Speeches and Remarks

Private Office
Portage, Michigan

2:40 P.M. EDT

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Well, thank you all for allowing us to have this conversation.  And one of the reasons that I wanted to visit with you is you all are on the ground doing this very, very critical and important work. 

And since the Dobbs decision came down two years ago, I do believe that we as a country have faced a health care crisis, and, yes, it includes the concern that we have about people’s access to abortion care and then the punishing of women, the criminalization of health care providers, but also we’ve seen clinics close around the country that provide all types of care, from Paps to breast cancer screenings, HIV testing, and so much else and just safe places for people to go. 

     DR. HENRY:  Yes.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  I know there’s also been an impact in terms of students thinking about their career as physicians and what type of practice they would actually engage in and where they would go. 

We’ve been talking about health care deserts —

     DR. HENRY:  Yes.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — which we know is a long-standing concern but then exasperated by what we’ve seen most recently.

And so, I wanted to ask you, the experts, the trained and experienced folks who do the noble and important work of health care, to share a bit about how you are experiencing this moment in a way that can highlight the realities of this moment, the harm, and the reason why people, like here in the state of Michigan, should be concerned even though they’re not in Texas, where I was and just left, but understanding if there were a national abortion ban, what it would mean for women and people throughout the country.

So, Doctor, if you want to lead the discussion, but I would love to hear from you.

 DR. ROGERS:  Yes, we have Dr. Lakshmi Sundaresan that was going to respond to that question, but I’ll just say that it is very important that this not widen the gap of health disparities, that — that the care of a — a woman is between her and her doctor, and that it not further cause shortages of those physicians across the country.

DR. SUNDARESAN:  So, I’m a family medicine physician and an abortion provider here on the western side of the state.  I think we don’t have to imagine what a post-Dobbs world looks like.  We’re living in a world that already has abortion bans that typically are regionally dependent.

Here on the western side of the state, we represent not only a safety net for our region here in the Midwest, but over the last 18 months, we — we’ve seen an influx of patients that are coming particularly from the South and the Southeast because of care deserts and already restrictive abortion bans.

But what we’re talking about here, especially with respect to this election, is that — and you — you know this better than we do — is that there’s an opportunity for multiple Supreme Court decisions that we will all be living through not just in terms of the political landscape but as physicians who are living through that experience with our patients.

And what is at stake is not just what we’re doing with respect to abortion care but what reproductive justice means at-large.  We’re talking about access to gender-affirming services.  We’re talking about access to contraception.  And we’re talking about everyone’s ability to access care.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  And — and including, to your point, prenatal care, postpartum care — all of that work that is done by physicians and — and folks such as you and — and existing, in many states with the fear that if you then do that work, somehow you may be punished or criminalized for doing that work.

DR. SUNDARESAN:  And we have state protections in Michigan right now after 2022, but there is still a very real possibility of a federal ban. 

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yeah.  How do you think about this in the context of what is happening in your profession and with — I — I know — I know you, even though we’ve all met just now, well enough to know that you are active in your profession —

     DR. HENRY:  Yes.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — and probably very much in touch with your colleagues from around the country. 

How are physicians and medical students talking about this moment right now and the fears, the challenges, the concerns and also what you would like to do in terms of — now you have all these microphones in front of you — right? — the public education about what this moment means from your perspective?

MS. HINNERS:  Yeah, I think as medical students, we kind of have found ourselves in this sort of limbo.  You know, we put all this hard work and time into doing what we want to, and we’re supposed to be excited about that, but there is this decision looming on November 5th that has this chance to monumentally impact our careers before they even start.  Like, we haven’t dipped our toe in the pond yet.

And I know for me personally, that is affecting my decision on residency applications coming up soon.  Like, I would like to be able to practice the medicine that I want to practice and give health care to people who need it.  And, I mean, we’re not just talking about a few abortion restrictions.  We’re talking about these very extreme bans that maybe don’t even have exceptions for rape or incest and things like that. 

And I am a survivor of sexual assault.  I volunteer with survivors of sexual assault.  And the thought that I, potentially in the future, will not be able to provide people with the breadth of health care that I think is required after such a traumatic event like that is enough to, like, make me sick. 

So, I am doing all that I can to make sure that my future that I have worked for for the past 26 years looks how I want it to, and I really hope that other people are kind of joining me in that.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  It does — this moment does require, among many things, knowledge about what’s going on and also just empathy, which is when we know that there are people who are suffering, don’t we, collectively, as a society, want to end that suffering and give them the care they need with the dignity they deserve. 

What else would you each or all like to share wh- — while we have all these folks here, who can, I think, benefit — and I certainly can — from what you all can share, in terms of what you see uniquely that we may not see about the effect of Dobbs in this moment on your profession, on your clients, on your — on your patients, on your community?  How are you thinking about this moment in terms of even just what we do legislatively, what we do from a policy perspective?

DR. ROGERS:  I am concerned about physicians in training, as our medical students are, and them making decisions about where they would do residency or where they would do training and that maybe not being in states and areas where they don’t have abortion rights and women don’t have the rights over their lives.  So, that could create a further shortage in some of those areas where there’s already physician shortages and there’s already health disparities.

DR. HENRY:  Yeah, because we already see where patients have to travel miles and miles to get the care that they need, and there have been stories where even when they get to those places to receive the help, they can’t get it because the physicians are afraid, and that’s not what we want.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Right.  Or, to your point, overwhelmed — right? — in terms of you are taking in patients from states surrounding a state that still provides care and — and do you have the hours —

     PARTICIPANT:  Yes.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — and do you have the personnel and staff to be able to actually handle it.

     (The press departs as the conversation continues.)

                             END                2:48 P.M. EDT

The post Remarks by Vice President Harris at a Reproductive Health Care Clinic | Portage, MI appeared first on The White House.

Duncan Aviation
Battle Creek, Michigan

1:48 P.M. EDT

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Okay.  I know you all have been asking about the status of our conversations around Iran and Israel.  And a couple of hours ago, I got off of a — a lengthy and important conversation with the president and our national security team.  And, of course, we maintain the importance of supporting Israel’s right to defend itself, and we are also very adamant that we must see de-escalation in the region going forward, and that will be our focus. 

In terms of Texas, it was a very good trip.  As I said, the reason for being there — there were many — most importantly, that there are a lot of people in Texas who have been suffering under what I call draconian laws as it relates to how they’ve been treating women and their right to reproductive freedom. 

It was also and is ground zero in terms of one of the most draconian laws in the whole country that have come about because of Donald Trump and what he did to select three members of the United States Supreme Court with the intention that they would undo the protections of Roe v. Wade. 

And I’m here now in Kalamazoo and in Michigan to talk with the folks here about their priority around ensuring that this election produces a president of the United States who honors and protects a woman’s right to make decisions about her own body. 

I’m about to go and meet with some of the physicians who are on the front lines of this issue, who are addressing the harm that has resulted from these Trump abortion bans but also doing the work in terms of advocacy, with a great deal of courage, to highlight to the American people what, I think, for some are really unintended consequences as a result of the undoing of Roe v. Wade.

I’m happy to take your questions.

Q    When it comes to abortion rights and talking with the providers today, what can we expect from those conversations?  And will we hear more of that in your speech tonight with

former First Lady Michelle Obama?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yeah.  Well, like I said even last night, what — and I’ve been meeting with health care providers for the last few years, since the Dodd decision came down.  They are a combination of doing their work in fear of being jailed —

We are saying that, for example, medical students are now more reluctant than ever to go into reproductive health care fields for fear that they could be criminalized. 

We are seeing the impact of these laws causing clinics — health care clinics to shut down.  Those clinics that, yes, provide abortion care but also paps, breast cancer screenings, HIV testing. 

And so, the physicians that I’ve been talking with are concerned about this myriad of issues that have highlighted the fact that because of Trump and what he did with the Supreme Court, we are looking at a health care crisis in America, which is affecting people of every background and gender.

Q    Ma’am, on Iran, on the Middle East.  There are

reports from the U.N. that about one in five Lebanese people are now displaced because of the ongoing war.  You said esc- — de-escalation is the goal.  Why are — why is the U.S. and Israel not aligned in that goal in terms of the conflict in the region?

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Well, we’ve been very clear with everyone in the region — and, in fact, that’s why Tony Blinken was there for several days this week — that we want to work toward ending this war.  This war must end.  We must get the hostages out and work toward a two-state solution. 

And we do believe strongly that, as it relates to Lebanon and — and the region, that part of the strength of our work is the diplomatic work we will do to reach that end. 

Q    What are we hearing —

Q    Ma’am, can I follow up on the — on the —

AIDE:  Go ahead, Darlene.

Q    What is the administration hearing from Arab allies about the Israeli strikes?  And can you say whether the strikes made it less likely that Iran will be able to attack Israel again in the future?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  What I can say is that it is a consensus among leaders in the region and certainly it is the strong perspective of the United States that there must be de-escalation and not an escalation of activities in that region.

Q    Ma’am — ma’am, to expand on that, what — what is your message to Iran specifically, as they consider a potential retaliation?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Listen, we feel very — I feel very strongly — we as the United States feel very strongly that Iran must stop what it is doing in terms of the threat that it presents to the region.  And we will always defend Israel against any attacks by Iran in that way.

                             END                1:53 P.M. EDT

The post Remarks by Vice President Harris in Press Gaggle | Battle Creek, MI appeared first on The White House.

Wings Event Center
Kalamazoo, Michigan

4:40 P.M. EDT

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Hi, everybody.  (Applause.)  Can we hear it for Michelle Obama?  (Applause.)

     Oh, good —

AUDIENCE:  We’re not going back!  We’re not going back!  We’re not going back!

     AUDIENCE:  Kamala!  Kamala!  Kamala!

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you all. 

     Michigan!  Michigan!  (Laughs.)  (Applause.)

All right, gu- — we’ve got 10 days to go.  (Applause.)  And the thing that I love about everybody here is we love hard work.  Hard work is good work.  And we are going to win.  We are going to win.  (Applause.) 

And it’s going to be close, and we know that, and we know the stakes.  And we also are here together because we love our country and we are prepared to fight for the best of who we are. 

Many of you’ve heard me talk about this: We’re not fighting against something; we’re fighting for something.  (Applause.) 

And through our campaign — our campaign — yes, we will win.  That is our highest and that is our achievable goal.  We will win.  And in the process, over these next 10 days, we are also doing the work of building community, building coalitions, reminding folks that we are all in this together, lifting each other up, reminding ourselves and each other that we have so much more in common than what separates us. 

That’s what our campaign is about.  It is a people-powered campaign.  (Applause.)  And because it is a people-powered campaign, we will win, because we know what we stand for, so we know what to fight for.  (Applause.)

     And when we fight —

     AUDIENCE:  We win!

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — we win. 

     God bless you.  I’ll see you soon.  (Applause.)

                             END                4:42 P.M. EDT

The post Remarks by Vice President Harris to Overflow Crowd at a Campaign Event | Kalamazoo, MI appeared first on The White House.

LiUNA District Council 12
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania

1:23 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Hello! (Applause.) Thank you, thank you, thank you.

Hello LiUNA! (Applause.) It’s good to be almost home. (Applause.) (Laughs.) Well, God love you. I tell you what.

You know, you guys build bridges, and you can’t be in a better city. There are more bridges in this city than any city in America. (Laughter.)

Look, folks, you know, we’ve been through a lot together. And I want to thank — I want to thank you for that introduction. It’s — it’s over the top, but I want to tell you, if I didn’t have my views about union movement, my Grandfather Finnegan wo- — from Scranton would come down and kick my rear end. (Laughter.) It’s real simple.

Look, folks, you know, I want to — Brent, thank you for all you’ve done. And, Phil, I —

And a big hello to my good friend, John Fetterman. John was here. I know he — (applause) — you had to be sitting down because I didn’t — if I didn’t see you, I’d get worried, John. (Laughter.)

I want you to know, if you got to be in a foxhole, man, you want this sucker with you. (Laughter.) You want him with you.

And, look — and, Chris — where’s Chris? Chris D- — there you go, Chris. Congratulations, Chris. Thank you very much. (Applause.)

And, you know, you’ve not only led the union movement, you built the middle class.

You know, all kidding aside, you know, when I started saying this year’s ago, people thought — looked at me like I was nuts.

There used to be a — it was a law that was passed in the ‘30s and — early ‘30s by Roosevelt, making it easier or fairer for unions to be able to organize because of strong opposition to organized labor. But there’s a provision in that law that no president really paid much attention to. And be — be honest with you, I didn’t realize until about 14 years ago that it existed.

It not only says how u- — they can’t block unions by doing un- — they still try to do unfair things. They can only block it. But this goes on to say any money appropriated by the United States Congress given to the president to build something or to spend it must be spent with American labor and American products.

Well, guess what? (Applause.) I’m the first who president said that means I mean it. That’s why there’s so much of an incredible growth.

We’ve hired more people in a four-year period than any president has in American history.

And, by the way, you’ve heard me say it a hundred times; I’m going to say it a thousand more times, as long as I have a breath: You know, Wall Street didn’t build America. The middle class built America, and you built the middle class. (Applause.) That’s a fact. You built it. That’s not a joke. There would be no middle class without you.

And, folk, look, the fact is that my dad — my dad never went to college, but my dad was a hardworking guy. And my dad used to have an expression. He’d say, “Joey, a job is about a lot more than a paycheck.” He mea- — I’m seri- —

Our dinner table was a place we had conversation and, incidentally, ate. My dad would say, “Joey, a job is about a lot more than a paycheck. It’s about your dignity. It’s about respect. It’s about your place in the community. It’s about how people treat you and look at you. And everybody” — and he meant it — “everybody determines w- — is entitled to be treated with dignity.”

Well, that’s what union — you’ve done. You’ve raised people’s expectations. You’ve given them pride. You’ve given them a — a reason for being. You’ve changed. And all the apprenticeships — remember how, when I got elected president, they were going to — business was going to help us, they were going to provide apprenticeships? Give me a break. (Laughter.) Give me a break. Businesses pr- — anyway. (Laughter.) I don’t want to get going here.

But, look, the — you know, 10 days — 10 days.

Now, I know I look like I’m only 40 — (laughter) —

AUDIENCE MEMBER: Forty-six!

THE PRESIDENT: But I’m — 46, I’ll take that. I’ll — I’ll — (laughter) — I’d take 66. (Laughter.)

But all kidding aside, you know, this is the most important election of our lifetime, no matter how young or old you are. Not a joke. Not hyperbole. This is not Democrat, Republican. This is decency versus a lack of decency. This is about character, this election.

And, folks, you know — I got to choose my words here. The choice couldn’t be clearer. The choice couldn’t be more stark.

I am a president, as was pointed out by my buddy, that I walked the picket line. Well, so has Kamala walked the picket line.

You know, not only — the only picket line Trump ever looks at is one he can, in fact, cross the picket line. Not walk it. Cross it.

Name me something he’s ever done — one single thing — name me one single thing, as a private entrepreneur or as a candidate, he’s ever done for American labor.

AUDIENCE MEMBER: (Inaudible.)

THE PRESIDENT: Name me — no, I’m no- — no, I’m being deadly earnest, because this is — I mean, this — this even — shouldn’t even be clo — but he wins, everything you talked about, he said he wants to get rid of. Not one thing you talked about did he support. Not one thing. Not a single thing.

You know, even the — anyway — (laughter.)

AUDIENCE MEMBER: We’re not going to let him win!

THE PRESIDENT: Well, you can’t let him win. By the way, look, guys, the presidential historians tell us that the most consequential thing the president can possess is character.

By character, we mean that — will they stand up? Will they stand up? Are they going to tell you the truth? Are they going to tell you when they disagree? When they agree, are they going to fight for you? Character. Just plain old character, like you do when we were kids.

You knew the kids in the neighborhood who had character and didn’t have character. You knew who you could count on and couldn’t count on, man or woman.

I mean, seriously, think about it. This is pretty basic stuff. It’s about decency. It’s about honor.

And, look, I’m going to just say — and the most controversial thing I may have said — Trump has no character. He’s not demonstrated it. Whether he was having the people working — you know, I me- — anyway, I won’t — I shouldn’t’ get going. (Laughter.)

But, you know — but he — the thing he — he doesn’t give a damn about union workers or any workers for that matter. He views unions as getting in the way of the accumulation of wealth for individuals. That’s what he views it as.

Folks, it’s in labor’s interest to defeat Donald Trump more than any other race you’ve been in and as long as any one of you have been alive.

You know, I’ve given my heart and soul to labor my whole career as president, because it wasn’t hard. It was just where I was raised, who I was with, what I — what I’ve seen. You know, everybody deserves a shot, man — just a shot. No guarantee. Everybody deserves a shot as close to a level playing field as you can make it.

And the last thing we need is for Trump to get elected to take away all the things we’ve done. How many of you have pensions now, again? How many of you have — your families have pensions? They opposed it.

I mean, just go down the list of all the things that really matter to a family — to a hardworking family.

Look, you — organized labor — are his worst nightmare, but you’re also the best thing that ever happened to the American economy. We got a lot more work to do, Kamala and I — Kamala — Kamala does. A lot more work to do, but let me tell you what: We’re the envy of the world. We have the best economy in the world because of you. (Applause.) Lot more to do.

But here’s the deal, guys, from my — where I stand — my standpoint: You fight for ordinary people, like the neighborhood I grew up in, the people I grew up with in Claymont, Delaware; Scranton, Pennsylvania; Wilmington, Delaware — people who just — just want a shot. They’re not asking for a favor. They just want an even shot. And he only knows — we — we’re all about lifting people up. Think about it.

I’m — I’ve never been this direct, but I tell you what, he’s about making sure he pushes people down. He thinks the way you get ahead is to push people down. But you get ahead — I was — we were talking on the way up here. You know, when I got — when I made the commitment that I’d only hire American workers and use American products, well, I was told that that — and labor began to flourish, et cetera — I asked the Treasury Department to do a study. When union workers — not labor; union — when unions do better, what does it do for the rest of the economy? Everybody does better. Everybody’s wages come up. Everybody. Everybody. (Applause.) You’re his worst nightmare.

Now, like I said, you know, we’ve worked together for a long time. Like I said, I know I don’t look like I’m 40, but I’ve been doing this for about 500 years — (applause) — and we’ve asked a lot of each other. But what I’m not asking of you is something that is not your interest. I’m going to ask you one more thing: Don’t do it for me. Do it for your kids. Do it for your family. Do it for your grandkids. Do it for your neighbors. Do it for people you know, people who need a helping hand.

Donald Trump is a loser. A lose- — (applause) — he’s a loser as a candidate, and — more importantly, in my view — and I’m just going to say it straight up — he’s a loser as a man. He’s a loser as a man.

We fought too hard for the gains we’ve made for the people we grew up with, neighborhoods we come from, and I know who was standing next to me the last four years: Kamala Harris.

Let me tell you something, folks, I picked her because she has a backbone like a ramrod. She doesn’t bend. I’m serious. She has a backbone like a ramrod.

And, folks, look, as I said, I’m from Scranton, and — a place where we stand up for one another in my neighborhood. So, please, follow your gut. Do what’s right. Do what’s the right thing to do for everybody, the people you grew up with, the people you work with, the people you love.

Our kids — make sure they — kids have to have access to a good education. This guy wants to literally do away with the Department of Education — do away with it. We’ve been fighting like hell to — anyway.

You know, your parents, all of you, you need health care, access to health care, affordable health care. We finally got it. We finally moved — we have more health care now than we ever had in American history. He’s tried 51 times to eliminate the health care bill — 51 times.

Look, you know, what’s the right thing to do for the people you grew up with, the people you work with, your neighbors, and I — you know, we got to give —

And one of the things I’d hope we’ve figured out — and not all the guys agreed to this initially — there’s not a damn thing that I could do that my sister couldn’t do as well or better.

My sister is my best friend and my life. We’re three years apart, two years apart in school. She graduated honors, taking the same exact courses I had at Delaware, and I graduated. She managed her — one of my campaigns. She jumps in a fight when p- — someone’s in trouble. We’re taught, like you guys, you see someone taken advantage of — what do you do? You’re told to get involved, get engaged even when you’re a kid, jump into the fight.

Well, look, folks, the fact is that we’re finally, finally getting to the point where women are beginning to have a shot, a fair shot — a fair shot. Like I said, they can do anything any man can do, including being president of the United States of America. (Applause.)

Look, I’m trying to be a good boy here. (Laughter.) There’s never been, in my view, a clearer choice, as a student history, someone who has known more world leaders than any living president — than any president ever has. I know them well, the good and the bad. The fact of the matter is that the — we know how important this election is.

It’s because of you we’ve created more jobs than any time in history. We have “Made in America” — become the — what is the standard now, not the exception.

Remember what corporations used to do under him? That was they’d send the job overseas to the cheapest labor they could find and then bring the product back home.

Well, when I went overseas and I talked with the South Koreans first about the CHIPS Act, I said, “Look, you guys are m-” — we invented the chip. We made sure it worked — those — smaller than the end of his little finger. And guess what? They decided to invest $15 billion.

I came back, and I said, “Why did you come when I talked to Samsung?” He said “because you’re the most qualified workers in the world.” You guys are not only the best in America, you’re the best in the world — that’s not a joke — the single best in the world.

And I asked why — so what — you know how much — remember we were — I was being criticized about how Biden was going to plan the economy too much and government is going to be too involved? Well, guess what? We brought off the sidelines in private investment $1 trillion in investment. (Applause.)

Remember, when we got elected, we were told there’s going to be a recession? No one’s talking about recession on our watch. I’m serious.

So, folks, look, I — I’m trying to be good. (Laughter.) But, look, I know how damn hard you fought for the gains we have. I know how damn hard you work for your fellow colleagues. I know how you stuck together. And I know how you reach down to help people.

You know, I — and I know you know that without the shot of a decent wage, without the shot of access to health care — basic health care — without the shot of being able to retire on something, to have something to look forward to, we’re in trouble.

Well, you guaranteed that’s not going to happen anymore in America.

We got more to do. We got to make housing more affordable. We got to — and we got to give people a break to start their first homes. We got to give people a break to get going.

That’s all in play. And if Kamala wins, it’s going to happen. It’s going to happen.

But folks, you know the fact is that I — I don’t — I don’t think it’s exaggeration. I can think of no man who has thought less of the average working person in America than this guy did, whether he was making sure that people worked overtime without getting paid on his gardens down in Mar-a-Lago or whether it’s what he passed. He’s created the largest deficit of any president in four years in American history.

You know what he wants to do now? He wan- — he — he caused a — he provided a $2 trillion tax cut for the super-wealthy, creating a gigantic deficit. You know what he’s proposing now? A $5 trillion tax cut for the same people.

The leading economists in the world got together and concluded that if Trump fulfilled his obliga- — his request that he wants for the economy, that we’d be in a recession. We’d lose thousands of jobs — millions of jobs.

So, you got to promise you’ll tell my wife I behaved — (laughter) — that I didn’t say all that I think. But you know in your gut, man — you know in your gut how important this is. You know it.

If everything we’ve worked for — everything you’ve allowed to happen, he has literally spoken out and said he’s opposed to. And his new great — the w- — wealthiest man in the world is now his ally, right? Well, that wealthiest man in the world turned out to be illegal worker here when he was here. No, I’m serious. He was supposed to be in school when he came on a student visa. He wasn’t in school. He was violating the law. And he’s talking about all these illegals coming our way.

Folks — and, by the way, on that score, what we’ve done, even though he wouldn’t allow the most important legislation to pass, which fixed the border — the pro- — problem at the border, we have fewer people crossing the border illegally now — or crossing the border, period, than any time since his third year as president of the United States. It matters.

Relationships matter and relationships with foreign leaders matter. Trust for our foreign leaders matter, and we built that trust.

So, anyway, guys, please — please, please, please — go the extra step. Call the people you know who may be undecided. Tell them, please — please give us a chance. Give labor the chance to really, really blossom in a way that has never had ever before, even in the Roosevelt years. You’re changing the world. You’re changing the world.

And, folks, we’re the best country by far. We’re the greatest country in the history of the world. (Applause.)

1:42 P.M. EDT

The post Remarks by President Biden at a LiUNA GOTV Kick-Off Event | Pittsburgh, PA appeared first on The White House.

Philadelphia International Airport
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

11:26 A.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: I assume you want to talk about Elon Musk being here illegally.

I’m only joking. What you got?

Q Mr. President, what do you say to the men that supported you but are not supporting Harris?

THE PRESIDENT: They’re making a mistake, in my humble opinion.

Q On the Iran strike, is — is this the end of it?

THE PRESIDENT: On the Iran strike, I had a — I had a long — the reason we’re a little late — I was on with the intelligence community for the last half hour — (inaudible) hour. And it looks like they didn’t hit anything other than military targets. My hope is this is the end.

Q Mr. President, the Chinese seemed to have hacked the Trump and Harris campaigns. Will there be repercussions for Beijing?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, I got to find out more about that, but I’m getting that brief when I get back as to what they did, how much they hacked, and so on.

Q But if you find out that they did it, will there be repercussions?

THE PRESIDENT: We’ll have to talk about it.

Q Mr. President, did you get a heads-up from Israel on the Iran strike? Did you get any heads-up?

THE PRESIDENT: Yes.

Q How worried are you that former President Trump seems to be talking to Bibi Netanyahu quite frequently?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, you know, the — the criticism is Trump is talking with Bibi, but Trump works for — for — Trumps works — Bi-

Trump work — talks to Bibi and his good multibillionaire friend talks to him a lot too. So, I guess they’re all three friends.

Q Are you — are you not concerned at all that he seems to be doing diplomacy while he’s not really representing the United States?

THE PRESIDENT: Yes.

Q What did you —

THE PRESIDENT: But I’m not surprised.

Q Sorry, sir. What did you think of Trump’s “America is garbage” comment comparing America being an — essentially in the trash can?

THE PRESIDENT: Look, Trump has no class at all. Zero. None.

Think — all kidding aside, if we — if this wasn’t a political campaign, how would you characterize the man in terms of his — his manners, his decency?

I mean, it’s beneath a president.

Q Mr. President, the North Korean troops in Russia — what kind of options do you have to respond to that? And when might we see a response there?

THE PRESIDENT: We have options, and it depends on what they do.

Thank you so very much.

11:28 A.M. EDT

The post Remarks by President Biden After Marine One Arrival | Philadelphia, PA appeared first on The White House.

Wings Event Center
Kalamazoo, Michigan

5:33 P.M. EDT

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Can we hear it for Michelle Obama?  (Applause.) 

Good afternoon, Michigan!  (Applause.)  Good afternoon.  Hi.  Hi, guys.  (Applause.)  We’re doing this!  We’re doing this!  (Laughs.)  (Applause.)

All right.  Okay.  Oh, it’s great to be in Kalamazoo.  (Laughs.)  (Applause.)  Thank you, guys.  Thank — okay.  Okay.  All right.  Thank you.  Okay.  We got some work to do.  We got some work to do.  We got some work to do. 

Can we please — can we please applaud my dear and incredible friend, the former first lady, Michelle Obama?  (Applause.) 

And I just have to say, you — I’ve known Michelle for years, and she is an inspiration.  I know everybody here knows this.  She is a truth — she is a truth-teller, and she motivates us to get to work, especially when the stakes are high because, as she reminds us, as my mother taught me, “Don’t just sit around and complain about injustice.”

     AUDIENCE:  “Do something!”

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  “Do something.” 

And there are so many incredible leaders here tonight, but I want to first just thank everybody because there is so much you could be doing with your time right now, and you are here and we are here as community, as coalition builders, because we love our country.  And I thank you for being here, and I thank you for all your work.  (Applause.)  I thank you.  I thank you.  I thank you.

And I want to give a shout-out to Lieutenant Governor Gilchrist — (applause) — he’s over there somewhere; Senator Gary Peters.  (Applause.) 

And all the union, elected, and community leaders here today, I thank you.  (Applause.) 

I want to give a special thank you to former Republican Congressman Fred Upton — (applause) — who represented Kalamazoo for decades and has endorsed our campaign because, as he put it, ours is the team that will “bring people together, strengthen our economy, and get things done for the American people.”  (Applause.)  

So, Kalamazoo, listen, bef- — you all know, before I was vice president, I was a United States senator —

     AUDIENCE MEMBER:  Kamala-zoo! 

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — and before that, I was a —

I know you want to say “Kamala-zoo.”  I heard you.  (Laughter and applause.) 

Okay.  All right.  Okay.  We got that out of the way.  Okay.  (Laughs.)

So, listen, before I was vice president and — before that, I was a two-term attorney general of California.  I was a senator, the two-term attorney general of California, and before that, a district attorney, and before that, a courtroom prosecutor.  (Applause.) 

And — and in those roles, I took on perpetrators of all kinds: predators, fraudsters, and repeat offenders.  I took them on, and I won.  (Applause.)  Well, Michigan, in 10 days, it’s Donald Trump’s turn.  (Applause.)  (Laughs.)  Yep.  Yep.

So, listen, we’ve got just 10 days left. 

AUDIENCE MEMBERS:  Lock him up!  Lock him up!  Lock him up!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Well, you know, I hear your chant.  But, listen, the courts are going to handle that; we’re going to handle November.  Okay?  (Applause.)  (Inaudible.)

So, look, we’ve got just 10 days left in one of the most consequential elections of our lifetime.  As you all know, voting has already started.  (Applause.)  And everybody here knows this is going to be a tight race until the very end, so we have a lot of work to do. 

But we like hard work.  (Applause.)  Hard work is good work.  Hard work is joyful work.  And make no mistake, we will win.  (Applause.)  We will win.  We will win.  We will win.  We will.  Yes, we will.

AUDIENCE:  We will win!  We will win!  We will win!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  And I got something for —

AUDIENCE:  We will win!  We will win!  We will win!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Or — or, as a certain former president would say, “Yes, we can.”  (Laughs.)  (Applause.)

So, yes, we can, and, yes, we will.  And we will win because, together — and this is about all of us — we are fighting for America’s future.

     AUDIENCE MEMBER:  No more Gaza war!

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  And we understand —

     AUDIENCE MEMBER:  No more Gaza war!  No more Gaza war!

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — the opportunity we have before us —

     AUDIENCE MEMBER:  Have you no decency? 

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — to turn the page —

     AUDIENCE MEMBER:  No more Gaza war!

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — on the fear —

     AUDIENCE:  Booo —

     Kamala!  Kamala!  Kamala!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Okay.  Thank you all.  Thank you all.  Thank you all. 

And, listen, on the topic of Gaza, we must end that war.  (Applause.)  And we must end the war and bring the hostages home.  But now I am speaking about 2024.  All right.

So, listen, we have to understand the opportunity we have before us to turn the page on the fear and the divisiveness that have characterized our politics for a decade because of Donald Trump.  We have an opportunity to turn the page and chart a new and joyful way — dare I say, joyful way forward — (applause) — where we tap into the ambition and the aspirations and the dreams of the American people. 

And I’m going to tell you, as I travel around our country, there is an overwhelming call for a fresh start — (applause) — for a new generation of leadership that is optimistic and excited about what we can do together.  (Applause.) 

There is a yearning in our country for a president who sees the people, not just looking in the mirror all the time — (laughter) — but sees the people, who gets you, and who will fight for you.  (Applause.)  That is what this election is about. 

And my whole career, I have put the people above partisanship.  I never asked somebody, “Are you a Democrat or a Republican” before I offered help.  Instead, the first and only thing I asked is, “How can I help you?”  (Applause.)

And that is a major difference between Donald Trump and me and between the two extremely different visions that he and I have for our nation. 

One, his, focused on the past and himself; the other, ours, focused on the future and you and your family.  (Applause.)

And together, we will build a future where we bring down the cost of living, and that will be my focus every single day as president. 

Because, look, while inflation is down and wages are up, prices are still too high.  You know it, and I know it.  And unlike Donald Trump, who had $400 million handed to him on a silver platter and then filed for bankruptcy six times —

     AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — I grew up in a middle-class neighborhood with a working mother who kept a strict budget and did everything she could to make sure my sister and I had all that we needed. 

I come from the middle class, and I will never forget where I come from.  (Applause.)  I will never forget where I come from.

And so, my commonsense plan is about lowering the prices you pay on everything from prescription medication to groceries to housing. 

On the other hand, Donald Trump will raise costs on the families of America.  In fact, independent economists — independent economists have analyzed our plans and found that mine will cut your costs and strengthen our economy, while his will increase inflation and lead to a recession by the middle of next year. 

     AUDIENCE:  Booo —

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  And his agenda is all laid out in Project 2025 —

     AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — which, I still must say, I cannot believe they put that in writing.  (Laughter and applause.)  I mean, they put it in writing, they bound it, they handed it out.  (Laughter.)  And if you get your hands on it — google it — it’s a detailed and dangerous blueprint for what he will do if he is elected president. 

Donald Trump will impose a 20 percent Trump national sales tax on everyday basic necessities, which will cost — the economists have measured it — will cost the average family nearly $4,000 a year. 

On the other hand, I will take on an issue like corporate price gouging.  (Applause.)  I’ve done it before, and I will do it again. 

Donald Trump will give massive tax cuts to billionaires and the biggest corporations, exactly like he did the last time he was president. 

I will give middle-class tax cuts to 100 million Americans, including $6,000 during the first year of a child’s life that will also lift America’s children out of poverty.  (Applause.)

Donald Trump — again, read his plan — will get rid of the $35 cap on insulin for seniors. 

     AUDIENCE:  Booo —
    
     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  He will cut Medicare and Social Security. 

     AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  In fact, recently, it was published, independent economists say he will bankrupt Social Security in the next six years. 

     AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  And what everybody here knows: We have so many seniors whose only source of income is their Social Security check.  (Applause.)  And we believe that our seniors should be able to retire with dignity, not worried about whether they’re going to have a roof over their head.  (Applause.)

And we believe that their families also should not be overwhelmed by the cost of home health care, which is why my plan includes ensuring that instead of you, who are taking care of your elder relative — you know, I took care of my mother when she was sick, and I know what that is like.  It’s about trying to cook something that they feel like eating.  It’s about trying to help them put on a sweater.  It’s about trying to say something that maybe will bring a smile to their face and maybe make them laugh from time to time.  It’s about their dignity. 

But we have a lot of people right now living in what we call the “sandwich generation,” who are taking care of your kids while you’re taking care of your parents.  (Applause.)  And that’s a lot.  It’s a lot. 

And too many people either — well, either, if you are fortunate enough, you may have some extra money that you can hire somebody, but most people can’t.  So, what that means is so many people have to think about leaving work, quitting their job, which means cutting a source of income, or spending down all of your savings to be able to qualify for Medicaid. 

It’s just not right.  So, part of my plan says that we’re going to make sure that Medicare covers the cost of home health care for our seniors.  (Applause.) 

 It’s about dignity.  It’s about dignity.  It’s about seeing people where they are and understanding the burdens people face and lifting folks up instead of trying to beat people down, which is exactly what we see on the other side.  (Applause.)

On top of that, my plan will bring down the cost of housing, because we know housing is too expensive.  And for so many people — you know, generations ago, folks could kind of count on the American dream, but it’s out of reach for far too many people.  And so, we’re going to bring down the cost of housing, including creating incentives for more home building, and we are going to create a $25,000 down payment assistance for first-time homebuyers — (applause) — just to get your foot in the door.  Because the way I see, it’s not enough that you’re just able to get by.  I want you to be able to get ahead.  (Applause.)

We’re going to cut taxes for small businesses, because small businesses are the backbone of America’s economy.  (Applause.) 

Do we have any small-business owners here?   (Applause.)  Right.  I love our small businesses. 

We’re going to lower health care costs, because, look, I believe health care should be a right and not just a privilege of those who have the money to afford it.  (Applause.)

On the other hand, we’ve got Donald Trump —

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — who intends to end the Affordable Care Act — or, as we like to call it, Obamacare — (applause) — and he would take us back to when insurance companies had the power to deny people with preexisting conditions.  You remember what that was like? 

Well, we are —

AUDIENCE:  Not going back!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — not going back.  We are not going back, because we are about moving forward — (applause) — and it is time to turn the page.

So, ours is a fight for the future, and it is a fight for freedom, like the fundamental freedom of a woman to be able to make decisions about her own body and not have her government tell her what to do.  (Applause.)

And remember how we got here.  Donald Trump hand-selected three members of the United States Supreme Court with the intention that they would undo the protections of Roe v. Wade.  They did as he intended.  And now, one in three women in America lives in a state with a Trump abortion ban —

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — many with no exceptions for rape and incest. 

And the idea that somebody who survives a crime of a violation to their body would not have the right to make a decision about what happens to their body next, that is immoral.

And let us agree, one does not have to abandon their faith or deeply held beliefs to agree that the government shouldn’t be telling her what to do.  (Applause.)  Not the government.  Not the government.  If she chooses, she will talk with her priest, her pastor, her rabbi, her imam, but not the government.  Come on.  Some folks up in a state capitol telling you what’s in your best interest, like you don’t know?

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  Not in Michigan!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Not in Michigan, but, look, if there’s a national — if — if — look, if there’s a national abortion ban, nobody is safe.  And that’s why I so thank everybody for being here, knowing this is at stake for everybody and fighting for everybody’s rights.  (Applause.)

And I’ll tell you, so, I was in — I — I actually just got in from Texas.  And I did an event in Texas last night, in Houston.  And — (applause) — and if you saw it, you probably saw some of the stories about what has been happening in our country — the suffering — the suffering. 

And, you know, Donald Trump still refuses to even acknowledge the pain and suffering he has caused.  He insists that, and I’m going to quote, “everybody” wanted Roe v. Wade to be overturned.

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Come on.  Everybody wanted this?  Women are being denied care during miscarriages, some only being treated once they developed sepsis.  They didn’t want this. 

Couples just trying to grow their family who have been cut off from IVF treatments.  They didn’t want this. 

The men of America seeing their daughters, wives, sisters, and mothers put at risk because their rights have been stripped away.  The men of America don’t want this. 

AUDIENCE:  Noo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Women have died because of these bans.  How could anybody say that they wanted this? 

And you have heard me say, I do believe Donald Trump to be an unserious man, but the consequences of him ever being president again are brutally serious — brutally serious.  (Applause.)  And what I mentioned are just some of the consequences of what he has done. 

And I will tell you, I pledge to you, when Congress passes a bill to restore reproductive freedom nationwide, as president of the United States, I will proudly sign it into law.  (Applause.)  Proudly.  Proudly, with your help. 

And so, look, we are — and I’m traveling our country.  And I’m going to tell you, across our nation, we are witnessing a full-on assault on other hard-fought, hard-won freedoms and rights, like the freedom to vote. 

You know, in Georgia, they got a law that makes it illegal to give people food and water for standing in line to vote.  The hypocrisy abounds.  What happened to love thy neighbor? 

Attacks on the freedom to be safe from gun violence, the freedom to breathe clean air and drink clean water, the freedom to love who you love openly and with pride.  (Applause.) 

All of these things are at stake.  And generations of Americans before us led the fight for freedom, and now the baton is in our hands.  (Applause.)  Now the baton is in our hands. 

And on that point, I want to speak, in particular, to all of the young leaders who are here today.  Can I see Gen Z?  (Applause.)  I love you guys.  I love you.  Let me tell you — (laughs) — see?  And of the many things that I just think are so great about you, you are rightly impatient for change.  (Applause.)  I love that.  I love that. 

You, who have only known the climate crisis, are leading the charge to protect our planet and our future.  You, who grew up with active shooter drills, are fighting to keep our schools safe.  (Applause.)  You, who now know fewer rights than your mothers and grandmothers, are standing up for reproductive freedom.   

And for you all, these issues are not theoretical, they’re not political; they’re your lived experience.  And I want to tell you, I see you, and I see your power.  (Applause.) 

And I know many of you are voting for the first time.  Who’s voting for the first time?  (Applause.)  Can we hear it for our young leaders and first-time voters?  (Applause.)

Yeah.  There we go.  That’s what this is about, right?  That’s why we’re all here together.  It’s about our future. 

So, listen, so much is on the line in this election.  You all know that. 

And this is not 2016 or 2020.  The stakes are even higher because, over the last eight years, Donald Trump has become more confused, more unstable, and more angry.  And it is clear he has become increasingly unhinged, but the last time at least there were people who could control him.  But notice they’re not with him this time. 

And then a few months ago, the Supreme Court told the former president he is effectively immune no matter what he does in the White House.

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  It’s not 2016 or 2020 when you think about that, because just imagine Donald Trump with no guardrails.  He who will claim unchecked and extreme power if he is reelected.  He who has vowed he will be a dictator on day one.  He who has said he wished he had generals like Hitler’s.

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Who calls — who calls Americans who disagree with him, “the enemy from within.”  You know what that harkens back to?  And he says he would use the American military to go after them. 

Donald Trump has even called for the, quote, “termination” of the Constitution of the United States of America. 

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  And let us be very clear, someone who suggests we should terminate the Constitution of the United States should never again stand behind the seal of the President of the United States.  (Applause.)  Never again.  Never again.  Never again.  No.

So, there is a huge contrast in this election, and I’m going to ask everyone to just imagine the Oval Office in three months.  So, you can picture it.  So — but here’s what I say to the folks who are watching: It’s either Donald Trump in there stewing over his enemies list, or me, working for you, checking off my to-do list.  (Applause.)  And you have the power to make that decision.  You have the power to make that decision. 

And this is the beauty of our democracy, as long as we can hold on to it: The power is with the people.  The power is with the people to make that decision. 

And so, Michigan, it all comes down to this: We are all here together because we know what is at stake, and we are here together, most importantly, because we love our country.  We love our country.  (Applause.)  We love our country. 

AUDIENCE:  USA!  USA!  USA!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  And to love our country — to love our country is to know that one of the highest forms of patriotism, I believe, is to then fight for the ideals of our country.  And that’s what we are all here together to say, “We love our country, and we are prepared to fight for our country and to fight to realize the promise of America.”  (Applause.)   The promise of America, that’s what this is about. 

So, Election Day is in 10 days.  (Applause.)  And early voting has already started.  (Applause.)  And you can vote early, starting today, through Sunday, November 3rd.  (Applause.)  So, we need you to vote early, Michigan.  (Applause.)

And now, then is the time to make your plan to vote.  And you can go to IWillVote.com to get all the information you need.

And if you have received your ballot in the mail, please do not wait, fill it out and return it today — (applause) — because, folks, the election is here.  It is here, and the choice is truly in your hands.  And your vote is your voice, and your voice is your power.  (Applause.)  It’s your power. 

So, Michigan, today, I ask you, are you ready to make your voices heard?  (Applause.)

Do we believe in freedom?  (Applause.)

Do we believe in opportunity?  (Applause.) 

Do we believe in the promise of America?  (Applause.)

And are we ready to fight for it?  (Applause.)

And when we fight —

AUDIENCE:  We win!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — we win.

God Bless you.  And God bless the United States of America.  (Applause.) 

                        END                6:05 P.M. EDT

The post Remarks by Vice President Harris at a Campaign Event | Kalamazoo, MI appeared first on The White House.

Shell Energy Stadium
Houston, Texas

9:20 P.M. CDT

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Kelly and Beyoncé!  (Applause.)

Hey, Texas!  (Applause.)

Oh, it’s good to be back in Texas.  (Applause.)

Thank you all.  Thank you, thank you, thank you, thank you, everybody.  Thank you for being here this evening. 

Can we hear it for Ms. Tina Knowles?  (Applause.)  For Ms. Kelly?  (Applause.)   And Beyoncé?  (Applause.)

What a warm Texas welcome.  I thank you all so very much, and I thank you, and I thank my friends for reminding us of exactly what we are fighting for in this campaign.  We are fighting for freedom.  (Applause.)  Freedom.  Freedom.

And to Andrea and everyone here tonight whose lives have been impacted by these Trump abortion bans, in this moment, I thank you for sharing your stories and for your courage.  It is an honor to be here with so many leaders and all of you who have taken the time out of your busy lives to be here this evening so we can, as a community of people, as people who love our country, be clear, sound strong, and stand in favor of the freedom of every woman to make decisions about her

own body.  (Applause.)

I also want to thank the members of Congress who are here, including Colin Allred.  (Applause.)  I’m counting on you to send him to the United States Senate so we can get right to work.  (Applause.) 

And to all the elected officials and community leaders, I thank you all.  I thank you.

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  (Inaudible.)

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  (Laughs.)  See you later.  See you later.

AUDIENCE:  Kamala!  Kamala!  Kamala!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  It’s okay.

AUDIENCE:  Kamala!  Kamala!  Kamala!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  See —

AUDIENCE:  We’re not going back!  We’re not going back!  We’re not going back!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  We’re not going back.

And we have — and we have a lot of work to do.  And we have a lot of work to do, and we will not get distracted.  (Applause.)   We will not get distracted. 

So, listen, Texas, we have 11 days left in one of the most consequential elections of our lifetime.  Voting has already started, and we know this will be a tight race until the very end.

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  (Inaudible.)

AUDIENCE:  Kamala!  Kamala!  Kamala!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Okay.  So, here’s the thing.  Here — hey, g- — okay, so we got work to do.  We got work to do.  We got work to do.  And I love that there is so much enthusiasm, but let’s talk about the work we’ve got to do — (applause) — okay — because we’ve got 11 days to see this through.  And we will win.  (Applause.)  We will win.  We will win. 

And we will win — and we will win because we know and understand what is at stake.  We are 11 days out from an election that will decide the future of America, including the freedom of every woman to make decisions about her own body and her reproductive freedom.  (Applause.)

And everyone here tonight is here because we are about fighting for our future and not letting some people take us back.  (Applause.)  Because we are not going back.  We are not going back.

AUDIENCE:  We’re not going back!  We’re not going back!  We’re not going back!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  We are not going back.

AUDIENCE:  We’re not going back!  We’re not going back!  We’re not going back!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  And in America, we know freedom is not to be given.  It is not to be bestowed.  It is ours by right, and we are prepared to fight for it — (applause) — because we understand the stakes.

And moving forward, we understand that what we must do, Texas, is right here, you, who are ground zero in the fight for reproductive freedom, we must be loud.  We must organize.  We must mobilize.  We must energize the people.  (Applause.)

Because you all know, Texas is home to one of the most restrictive abortion bans in our country.

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  (Inaudible.) 

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  In Texas, abortion is banned from the moment of conception.

AUDIENCE:  Kamala!  Kamala!  Kamala!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  You know what?   You know what?  Just send them to that small rally down the street.  (Applause.) It’ll be fine.  Some people don’t have a great sense of direction, but that’s okay.  We’ll show them the way.  We’ll show them the way.

Come on.

Because we know what’s at stake, and we will not be silenced.  We know what’s happening here in Texas.  Doctors and nurses could go to prison for life simply for providing reproductive care.  Think about that.  Life in prison for health care providers for doing what they think is in their patients’ best interest. 

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  You know what?  The beauty of our campaign is we’re fighting for democracy.  (Applause.)

And what we know here in Texas is that there are some who would distract from the fact that Texas has a law now that offers a cash bounty for turning in someone who merely helps a friend or family member get the care they need. 

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

In Texas, the law provides for prison for life for health care providers for doing what they believe is in the best interest of their patient.  In some counties in Texas, there — they have passed travel bans to prevent women from going to other states to receive care.  These are the stakes.

And we know how we got here.  When Donald Trump was president, he hand-selected three members of the United States Supreme Court with the intention that they would undo the protections of Roe v. Wade.  And as he intended, they did. 

And now, more than 20 states have a Trump abortion ban.  Now, one in three American women lives in a state with a Trump abortion ban, including Texas and every state in the South except for Virginia.  And many of these bans are causing care to be denied until a woman is at death’s door.  Many have no exceptions even for rape and incest, which is immoral.

And let us agree, one does not have to abandon their faith or deeply held beliefs to agree the government should not be telling her what to do with her body.  (Applause.)  Not the government.

If she chooses, she will talk with her priest, her pastor, her rabbi, her imam, but not the government and some people up in the state legislature — (applause) — telling her what’s in her best interest when she knows what’s in her own best interest. 

And let us recognize: These same people — check this out — these same people who have argued that these Trump abortion bans are in the best interest of women and children, do look at their records.  They tend to be in states with the highest rate of maternal mortality in the country. 

For decades, these extremist leaders who have neglected prenatal care, maternity care, and postpartum care and who now, after continuously failing to support women and children, claim to care about women and children.  Well, I have a question for them: Where you been?  Where you been?  (Applause.)  Where you been when it comes to prioritizing care for women and children?  Where have you been when it comes to helping pregnant women and new mothers?  Where have you been when it comes to affordable child care?  (Applause.)

And do note, many of these same extremist leaders have also refused to extend the Child Tax Credit, which lifted half of America’s children out of poverty; they, who have blocked proposals to lower child care costs for working parents; they who have tried to cut WIC and SNAP for low-income mothers and their children.  The hypocrisy abounds. 

And here’s what else is happening: These bans are driving doctors out of states like Texas, Idaho, Georgia, and North Carolina, leaving women who are already living in maternity care deserts — meaning there is no maternity care anywhere near them — leaving them with even fewer options.  And since Trump abortion bans, fewer medical students are choosing to specialize in women’s health. 

Over these past two years, the impact of Trump abortion bans has been devastating.  We see the horrific reality that women and families face every single day, and the stories are vivid.  They are difficult to hear.  They are difficult to tell. 

For example, here in Texas — can we roll the tape?

(A video is played.)

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  From his own mouth, “a great thing.”  There is nothing great about what happened to women like Kate Cox, who was heartbroken to learn her much-wanted pregnancy was not viable; heartbroken when her doctors told her if she remained pregnant, she would be risking her own life or her ability to have children in the future.  But the attorney general of Texas —

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — threatened — threatened if Kate’s doctors helped terminate her pregnancy, they would be criminally prosecuted.  So, Kate was forced to flee the state to get the care she needed. 

In Louisiana, Kaitlyn Joshua was turned away from not one but two emergency rooms while miscarrying.  She was bleeding.  She was in pain.  But because of a Trump abortion ban, doctors would not treat her, because if they did, they would have faced 15 years in prison.  And so, Kal- — Kaitlyn had to go home, where she went through the pain of a miscarriage for more than a month and trying — the whole time — to hide her pain from her four-year-old daughter.  We know that women have died because of Trump abortion bans. 

Here today is Shanette Williams, the mother of Amber Nicole Thurman, a vibrant — (applause) — we must speak her name, Amber Nicole Thurman.  (Applause.)  I promised her mother I would speak her name.  A vibrant 28-year-old mother of a 6-year-old son who died a preventable death because of Georgia’s abortion ban.  Now, Shanette and her family are courageously sharing Amber’s story to make sure we all remember her as more than a statistic so that we remember Amber was a daughter, a sister, a mother, and that she was loved and that she should be alive today.  (Applause.)

And listen, we’re all here because we know the reality is, for every story we hear about — about the suffering because of a Trump abortion ban, there are so many stories we’ve never heard, an untold number of women and the people who love them, who are silently suffering — women who are being made to feel as though they did something wrong, as though they are criminals, as though they are alone.  And to those women, I say — and I think I speak on behalf of all of us: We see you, and we are here with you.  (Applause.) 

Texas, what is happening across this state and our country is a health care crisis, and Donald Trump is the architect of it.  He brags about overturning Roe v. Wade.  In his own words, quote, “I did it, and I’m proud to have done it.”  That’s what he says. 

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  And one has to ask: Proud that women are dying?  Proud that doctors and nurses could be thrown in prison for life for administering lifesaving care?  Proud that young women in America today have fewer rights than their mothers and grandmothers? 

How dare he?  Donald Trump — (applause) — Donald Trump even said everyone wanted Roe v. Wade to be overturned. 

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Well, a woman in Ohio was arrested and charged after having a miscarriage, so was a woman in South Carolina.  They didn’t want this. 

Hadley Duval, who became pregnant after being raped by her stepfather when she was 12 years old, she didn’t want this.

Ryan Hamilton, who is here tonight — his wife was denied treatment at the hospital for a miscarriage.  They got home; he found her bleeding and unconscious.  He dressed her, put her in a car, packed up their nine-month-old child and drove to a different emergency room, where doctors told them she could have died.  Ryan didn’t want this.  Let’s be clear. 

And the men across America — this needs to be said — men across America do not want to see their daughters and wives and sisters and mothers put at risk because their rights have been taken.  (Applause.)  I see the men here, and I thank you. 

The men of America don’t want this. 

AUDIENCE:  No!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  And now, the attorney general of Texas is suing the United States government —

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — so that Texas prosecutors can get — check this out — so that Texas prosecutors can get their hands on private medical records of women who leave the state to get care. 

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Now, I’d ask everybody here, please do see the irony.  Okay?  Listen to this. 

On the one hand, Donald Trump won’t let anyone see his medical records.  (Laughter and applause.)  I gave up mine. 

And on the other hand, they want to get their hands on your medical records.

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Simply put, they are out of their mind.  (Applause.)

In just four years as president, Donald Trump was able to erase half a century of hard-fought progress for women, and now he wants to go even further. 

He will force all 50 states to track and report on women’s miscarriages and abortions and go after access to contraception and IVF treatment.  It’s right there in his Project 2025.  Google it.

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  And let us be clear: If Donald Trump wins again, he will ban abortion nationwide. 

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  And though we are in Texas tonight, I say it to the folks who might be watching from home — for anyone watching from another state, know this: If you think you are protected from Trump abortion bans because you live in Michigan or Pennsylvania or Nevada or New York or California or any state where voters or legislators have protected reproductive freedom, please know no one is protected if there is a Trump national abortion ban, and it will outlaw abortion in every single state.

Understand that.  And he can do it with or without an act of Congress. 

All that to say: Elections matter.  (Applause.)  Elections matter. 

If Donald Trump is president again, he will likely get to appoint at least one additional Supreme Court justice. 

Remember who we appointed?  Call her Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson.  (Applause.)

But if he were — if he were reelected, he’d probably get to appoint one, if not two, members to the United States Supreme Court, at which point Donald Trump will have packed the court with five out of nine justices on that court who will sit —

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — but think about that — who will sit for lifetime appointments, shaping your lives and the lives of generations to come.  And that is among the many critical contrasts in this election. 

Look, Donald Trump doesn’t trust women, but I do.  We trust women.  And we understand what’s at stake.  (Applause.)

And with Colin Allred in the United States Senate, when Congress passes a bill to restore reproductive freedom, I will proudly sign it into law as president of the United States.  (Applause.)  Proudly.  Proudly.

So, to all the friends here, let us remember: Momentum is on our side. 

I know sometimes in Texas, folks are like, “Is it worth it?  Is it — does it make a difference?”  Yes, it does.  You are making a difference.  And momentum is on our side.  (Applause.)  You are making a difference. 

Since Roe was overturned, every time reproductive freedom has been on the ballot, from Kansas to California to Kentucky, in Michigan, Montana, Vermont, and Ohio, the people of America have voted for freedom every time it’s been on the ballot.  (Applause.) 

And often, they have voted by overwhelming margins from so-called red to so-called blue states, proving this is not a partisan issue. 

Because Americans from all backgrounds and beliefs understand the decision of whether, when, and how to build a family is one of the most consequential decisions anyone can make, and we are fighting for an America where no matter who you are, where you live, you can make decisions about your own body for yourself.  (Applause.)

So, moving forward, all of this is to say, reproductive freedom is on the ballot in this presidential election.  And in 10 states around the country — including Arizona, Florida, and Nevada, and with the work of everyone here, freedom will win.  Freedom will win.  (Applause.)

And so, I want to take a moment to speak in particular to all the young leaders here and across America.  Do we have anybody here from Gen-Z?  (Applause.)  Where are you at?  Where are you at?  (Applause.)

I’m counting on you, because the thing I love about you is you are impatient for change.  (Applause.)  You know it ain’t right that you may have fewer rights than your mother or your grandmother.  You know it is not theoretical.  You know it is not political.  It is your lived experience. 

And I see you, and I see your power.  (Applause.)  I see your power.  And I know so many of you are voting for the first time.  Can I see a raise of hands?  (Applause.)

Can we applaud our leaders who are voting for the first time?  (Applause.)

All right.  We heard it for our young leaders.  That’s right. 

So, listen to everyone here, we know freedom has never come easy.  Never come easy.  There has been no moment of our progress as a country that did not come about without a fight.  Let’s all be clear about that.  And we are in the midst of a movement, and everyone here is a leader in that movement. 

So, we do this, then, remembering those who came before us, those who struggled and sacrificed for our freedoms, who found fellowship and even joy in one another in the fight.  They found strength and hope in fighting for our ideals, and that is what we are doing.  That is what we are doing, because we know weeping may endure for a night — (applause) — but joy cometh in the morning.  (Applause.)

So, Texas, Election Day is in 11 days.  (Applause.)  Early voting has already begun.  (Applause.)  So, now it is time to start making your plan.  Go to IWillVote.com to get all the information you need. 

And it is not only the presidency that is on the ballot.  There are many important races, including Colin Allred running for Senate — (applause) — who, we must note, his opponent supported a national abortion ban six times —

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — an opponent who said he does not support exceptions, even for victims of rape and incest. 

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  So, let’s remember, Texas: Your vote is your voice, and your voice is your power.  (Applause.)

So, today, I ask you: Are you ready to make your voices heard?  (Applause.)

     Do we trust women?  (Applause.)

     Do we believe in reproductive freedom?  (Applause.)
    
     Do we believe in the promise of America?  (Applause.)

     And are we ready to fight for it?  (Applause.)

     And when we fight —

     AUDIENCE:  We win!

     THE VICE PRESIDENT: — we win.

     God bless you.  And God bless America.  (Applause.)

                            END                   9:48 P.M. CDT

The post Remarks by Vice President Harris at a Campaign Event | Houston, TX appeared first on The White House.

Gila Crossing Community School
Laveen Village, Arizona

10:44 A.M. MST

PRESIDENT BIDEN:  I’m Joe Biden.  I’m Jill Biden’s husband  (Laughter.)

Gov, thank you for that introduction and to the Gila Indian River Community — the — Gila — yeah, Gila — nothing wrong with me — (laughter) — Gila River Indian Community for welcoming me today. 

You know — (applause) — I say this with all sincerity, this, to me, is one the most consequential things I’ve ever had an opportunity to do in my whole career and as president of the United States.  It’s an honor — a genuine honor to be in this special place on this special day. 

Thank you to Senator Mark Kelly, a great friend, who also is married to an incredible woman who is my friend. 

Please have a seat, by the way.  (Laughter.)

And Congressman Greg Stanton.  I saw Greg when I came in.  He’s over there somewhere.  Greg, thank you.

And I’m putting these glasses on because I’m having trouble seeing this. 

And all the elected leaders and the Tribal community leaders for being here. 

You know, I can’t tell you what a special thanks I have for Deb Haaland, my Interior secretary.  I was determined — (applause) — I was determined — I made a commitment when I became president to have an administration that looked like America.  Except you’re America, and there’s — never has been — never has been a Native American, an Indigenous person who was on — in the Cabinet or in a — in the secretary’s job or any consequential job in a presidential administration.

She’s the first — but it’s clearly not the last — Native American Cabinet secretary ever.  (Applause.)  And her historic and dedicated leadership is strengthening the relationship between the Tribal Nations and the federal government — is unlike ever happened before. 

That’s why we’re here today. 

You know, when I got to the Senate, I was only 29 years old.  I had to wait 17 days to be eligible.  And I had — after I got elected, w- — while I waiting, my wife and daughter were killed and my two boys were badly injured.

And a guy that came to my assistance was a guy named Danny Inouye.  And the first thing he taught me — not a joke — was, “Joe, it is not ‘Indians.’  It’s ‘Indian Nations’ — Indian N-” — (applause) — No, I — he was serious, deadly earnest about it.

It’s been 10 years since a sitting president — president came and visited Indian Country.  That’s simply much too long.

And that’s why I am here today not only to fulfil my promise to be a president that — first president to visit Indian Country but, more importantly, to right a wrong, to chart a new path toward a better future for us all.

I am also here because, as I said, my wife Jill has been here 10 times in Indian Country, literally.  The first lady sends her love and said, “Joe, make sure you come home.”  (Laughter.)  Because every time she goes — she spent a lot of time in, excuse me for saying this, the Navajo Nation.  I’m worried — (applause) — every time she goes, I’m worried she’s not coming home.  (Laughter.)

I watched that beautiful performance just now, and it moved me deeply.  It’s a reminder of everything Native people enjoy and employ: sacred traditions, culture passed down over thousands of — thousands of years.  (Applause.)  

Long before there was a United States, Native communities flourished on these lands.  They practiced democratic government before we ever heard of it, developed advanced agriculture, contributed to science, art, and culture.  (Applause.)

But eventually, the United States was established and began expanding, entering treaties with sovereign Tribal Nations.  But as time moved on, respect for s- — for Tribal sovereignty evaporated, was shattered, pushing Native people off their homelands, denying — denying their humanity and their rights, targeting children to cut their connection to their ancestors and their inheritance and their heritage. 

At first, in the 19- — 1800s, the effort was voluntary, asking Tribes to sell their children — to send their children away to vocational schools.  But then — then the federal government mandated — mandated the removal of children from their families and Tribes, launching what’s called the Federal Indian Boarding School era — era.  Over a 150-year span — 150 years — from the early 1800s to 1870 — to 1970.  One of the most horrific chapters in American history.  We should be ashamed.  A chapter that most Americans don’t know about.  The vast majority don’t even know about it. 

I was — I was at my hotel today.  I told the pe- — the hotel staff, as we were leaving.  They said, “Where are you going?”  I told them.  They said, “What are you doing?”  I told them.  They said they’re Natives here.  They said, “I never knew that.  I never knew that.”  Think of how many people don’t know.

As president, I believe it’s imper- — important that we do know — know generations of Native children stolen, taken away to places they didn’t know with people they never met who spoke a language they had never heard.  Native communities silenced.  Their children’s laughter and play were gone. 

Children would arrive at schools.  Their clothes taken off.  Their hair that they were told was sacred was chopped off.  Their names literally erased and replaced by a number or an English name. 

One survivor later recounted her days when taken away.  She said, quote, “My mother standing on that sidewalk as we loaded into a green bus.  I can see the image of my mom burned into my mind and my heart where she was crying.”

Another survivor described what it was like at the boarding school, and I quote, “When I would talk in my Tribal language, I would get hit.  I lost my tongue.  They beat me every day.”

Children abused — emotionally, physically, and sexually abused.  Forced into hard labor.  Some put up for adoption without the consent of their birth parents.  Some left for dead in unmarked graves. 

And for those who did return home, they were wounded in body and in spirit — trauma and shame passed down through generations. 

The policy continued even after the Civil Rights Act, which got me involved in politics as a young man.  Even after the Civil Rights Act was passed in 1964, it continued. 

All told, hundreds and hundreds of Federal Indian Boarding Schools across the country.  Tens of thousands of Native children entered the system.  Nearly 1,000 documented Native child deaths, though the real number is likely to be much, much higher; lost generations, culture, and language; lost trust. 

It’s horribly, horribly wrong.  It’s a sin on our soul.

I’d like to ask, with your permission, for a moment of silence as we remember those lost and the generations living with that trauma. 

(A moment of silence is observed.)

After 150 years, the United States government eventually stopped the program, but the federal government has never — never — formally apologized for what happened until today. 

I formally apologize — (applause) — as president of the United States of America, for what we did.  I formally apologize.  And it’s long overdue.

At the Tribal school — at a Tribal school in Arizona, a community full of tradition and culture, and joined by survivors and descendants to do just that: apologize, apologize, apolo- — rewrite the history book correctly.  (Applause.)

I have a solemn responsibility to be the first president to formally apologize to the Native peoples — Native Americans, Native Hawaiians, Native Alaskans — and [at] Federal Indian Boarding Schools. 

It’s long, long, long overdue.  Quite frankly, there’s no excuse that this apology took 50 years to make. 

The Federal Indian Boarding School policy and the pain it has caused will always be a significant mark of shame, a blot on American history. 

For too long, this all happened with virtually no public attention, not written about in our history books —

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  Yeah, what about the people in Gaza?

THE PRESIDENT:  — not taught in our schools.

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  What about the people in Palestine, huh?

(Cross-talk.)

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  (Inaudible.)

THE PRESIDENT:  Let her talk.  Let her talk.

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  (Inaudible) empty promise for our people.  How can you apologize for a genocide while committing a genocide in Palestine?

Free Palestine!  Free Palestine!

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  Get out of here!

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  Free Palestine!

THE PRESIDENT:  No, no.  Let — let her go.  There’s a lot of innocent people being killed. 

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  (Inaudible.)

THE PRESIDENT:  There’s a lot of innocent people being killed, and it has to stop.

For those — (applause) — for those who went through this period, it was too painful to speak of.  For our nation, it was too shameful to acknowledge.  But just because history is silent doesn’t mean it didn’t take place.  It did take place.  (Applause.)

While darkness can hide much, it erases nothing.  It erases nothing.  Some injustices are heinous, horrific, and grievous.  They can’t be buried, no matter how hard people try. 

As I’ve said throughout my presidency, we must know the good, the bad, the truth of who we are as a nation.  That’s what great nations do.  We’re a great nation.  We’re the greatest of nations.  We do not erase history; we make history.  We learn from history, and we remember so we can heal as a nation.  It takes remembering.

This formal apology is the culmination of decades of work by so many courageous people, many of whom are here today: survivors and descendants, allies and advocates — like the nation’s Native American Boarding School Healing Coalition and other — (applause) —

All of you who are part of that, stand up.  Stand up.  (Applause.)  As my grandfather would say, you’re doing God’s work.

And other courageous leaders who spent decades shining a light on this dark chapter.  And leaders like Secretary Haaland, whose grandparents were children at one of those boarding schools. 

U.S. Interior Department, the same department that long ago oversaw Federal Indian Boarding Schools — guess what? — the extensive work on the — breaking ground, it’s happened with her.  It’s appropriate that she is bringing an end to what that very agency did.  (Applause.)  Groundbreaking report documenting what happened. 

We owe it to all of you across Indian Country.  The truth — the truth must be told.  And the truth must be heard all across America. 

But this official apolocy [apology] is only one step toward and forward from the shadows of failed policies of the past.  That’s why I’ve committed to working with Indigenous communities across the country to write a new and better chapter of our — in our history, to honor the solemn promise the United States made to Tribal Nations, to fulfill our federal trust and treaty obligations.  It’s long, long, long overdue.  (Applause.)

And I say this with all sincerity, from day one, my administration, Jill and I, Kamala and Secretary Haaland, our entire administration have worked to include Indigenous voices in all we do.  Along with Secretary Haaland, I’ve appointed Native Americans to lead across the federal government.

I signed a groundbreaking executive order to give Tribes the — more autonomy to make your own decisions — (applause) — requiring federal agencies to streamline grant appro- — grant appropriations and applications, to comanage federal programs, to eliminate heavy-handed reporting requirements.  It’s about representing your autonomy.  And, I might add, it’s a hell of a lot more efficient when you do it too.  (Applause.)

Folks, I’m proud to have reestablished the White House Council on Native American Affairs — (applause); relaunched the White House Tribal Na- — Tribal Nations Summit — (applause); and taken historic steps to improve Tribal consultation.  (Applause.) 

With the historic laws I’ve signed, we’re making some of the most significant investments in Native communities ever — ever in American history. 

It’s part of my Invest in America agenda, and it’s helping all Americans from every state and every Tribe, and that’s good for all America. 

Helping Native communities get through the pandemic with vaccine shots in arms and checks in pockets. 

I’m proud this helped cut child poverty in Native communities by more than one third.  (Applause.) 

I’m proud our economy — our economic plan has created 200,000 jobs for Native Americans, record-low [un]employment in Native communities. 

With the strong support from Secretary Haaland and all of you, we’re finally modernizing Tribal infrastructure, for God’s sake — (applause) — building new roads, new bridges; delivering clean water, affordable high-speed broadband in every Native community; and so much more. 

Folks, we’re just getting started.  We’re making historic climate investments in clean energy, conservation, and clean water [for] Native communities, including co-stewardships of our land and waters. 

We just des- — designated the first National Marine Sancrutary — Sanctuary proposed by Indigenous communities, which is off the coast of California.  We just got that done.  (Applause.)  And I have restored and designated multiple national monuments to honor Tribal Nations, including the Ancestral Footprints of the Grand Canyon, right here in Arizona, where I had the honor of visiting.  (Applause.)  It was breathtaking.  It was breathtaking.

I secured the first-ever advanced funding for Indian Health Services — (applause) — so Tribal hospitals can plan ahead, order supplies, hire doctors and know that the money will be there.  (Applause.)  

We’re also preserving ancestral Tribal homelands, restoring salmon and other native fish, recognizing the value of Indigenous knowledge and languages, especially those damaged in the boarding school era. 

In fact, my administration was proud to defend the Indian Child Welfare Act — (applause) — an act that was passed in 1970 [1978] in no small part to remedy the harms of 150 years of taking Native children away from their families. 

But you all know, that act was challenged just a few years ago in the summer of 2023.  Those who opposed us challenged — challenged on the grounds that Native families should not have priority over everyone else in adopting Native children.  Well, I took that all the way to the Supreme Court and we won.  We won.  (Applause.)

We also extended mental health programs through the Bureau of Indian Education so young people have the tools to end cycles of generational trauma. 

As an educator, this is something Jill cares deeply about, my wife, just as she’s traveled across Native communities to increase access to health care and so much more, including helping open the first cancer cure [care] center in Navajo Nation.  (Applause.)

And more to do — a lot more to do.

And, by the way, the infrastructure bill is over a trillion dollars.  It’s not a decade.  I mean, it’s not a quarter.  It’s going to be there for a decade.  Much, much more to come, and you got to get your fair share.   

By [re]authorizing the Violence Against Women Act — an Act I took great pains in writing 30 years ago, we also — (applause) — we also reasirmed [reaffirmed] Tribal sovereignty and expanded Tribal jurisdiction in cases where outside predators [perpetrators] harm members of your Nation. 

And as we mark Native Americans History Month in November — this November, we recognize the contributions of Indigenous people in — to American history.  You — you are the first Americans.  I might add, you’re among the most patriotic Americans.  (Applause.)  Well, that’s a fact.  The whole of America should know, all Americans should know Indigenous people volunteer to serve in the United States military five times more than any other single group.  (Applause.)  Five times.  Five.  Five.  Five.  (Applause.)  Many having paid the ultimate sacrifice in every war since our founding. 

To all of you, thank you — thank you for serving in so many ways — as first responders, artists, entrepreneurs, educators, doctors, scientists, and so much more — sharing your culture and your knowledge for the good of future generations, believing in possibilities — the possibility to usher in a new era to a nation-to-nation relationship grounded in dignity and respect.  It matters. 

My dad used to have an expression.  He’d say, “Joey, everyone — everyone — is entitled to be treated with dignity.  Everyone.”  “Everyone is enti-” — he meant it.  (Applause.)

Well, let me close with this.  It’s about restoring your dignity.

I know no apology can or will make up for what was lost during the darkness of the Federal Boarding School policy.  But today, we’re finally moving forward into the light. 

As president of the United States, I’ve had the honor to bestow our nation’s most prestigious medals to distinguished people and organizations all across America.  That includes Native Americans who survived the boarding school era. 

Early in my term, I bestowed the Medal of Freedom — our highest civilian honor — on a man my grandfather, who was an Irish immigrant and was not treated very well because he was an Irish Catholic in the coal-mine era in Scranton — but he went on to be an all-American football player at Santa Clara.  And every time they’d talk about all-Americans, he’d say, “Joey, the greatest athlete in American history is Jim Thorpe.”  (Applause.)  Oh, I’m seri- — I knew a lot about Jim Thorpe before some of you probably even knew.  (Laughter.)

As a child, Jim was taken from his home but went on to become one of the greatest athletes ever, ever, ever in all of American history. 

And earlier this week, I bestowed two other revere- — revered medals — the National Medals of Arts and the National Medal of the Humanities — to 39 extraordinary Americans and organizations, including Roseta Wrol [Rosita Worl], an Alaskan Native.  (Applause.) 

More than 80 years ago, she was a six-year-old when she was taken to a federal boarding school.  She spent three years without her family, her family not knowing if she’d ever come home.  Nine years old, she was one of those who did come home. 

Over the next seven decades, she became a leading anthropologist and advocate, building a new era of understanding.  Her story, from being taken from her home as child to standing in the Oval Office receiving one of the nation’s most consequential medals, is a story of the truth, the power of healing. 

When Roseta [Rosita] sees young people signing tradi- — singing traditional songs, just like we heard today, she says, and I quote, “We will hear the voices of our ancestors, and we are now hearing it through our children.”

For too long, this nation sought to silence the voices of generations of Native children, but now your voices are being heard.    

That’s the America that we should be.  That’s the America we can all be proud of.  That’s who we are.  For God’s sake, let’s make sure we reach out and embrace, because you make us stronger.  You are America.

God bless you all.  And may God protect our troops. 

Thank you.  (Applause.)

11:07 A.M. MST

The post Remarks by President Biden on the Biden-Harris Administration’s Record of Delivering for Tribal Communities, Including Keeping His Promise to Make this Historic Visit to Indian Country | Laveen Village, AZ appeared first on The White House.

James Hallford Stadium
Clarkston, Georgia

7:53 P.M. EDT

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Good evening, Georgia!  (Applause.)  Good evening. 

Can we please hear it for my friend, our 44th president, Barack Obama?  (Applause.) 

     Oh, it’s good to be back in Atlanta.  (Laughs.) 

     All right.  All right.  So —

     AUDIENCE MEMBER:  (Inaudible.)

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  I love you too.  (Applause.)  I love you too.  (Laughs.)

So — so, you all may know it was over — it was 17 years ago — it was over 17 years ago when I took a trip to Springfield, Illinois.  It was a cold February day, and I went there to support this brilliant young senator who was running for president of the United States.  (Applause.)  And millions of Americans were energized and inspired not only by Barack Obama’s message but by how he leads, seeking to unite rather than separate us. 

And that is why in 20- — ‘07, 2007, I went New Year’s Eve to Iowa to knock on doors in the snow.  And all these years later, Barack Obama, I say to you: Your friendship and your faith in me and in our campaign means the world.  Thank you, Mr. President.  (Applause.)  Thank you, Mr. President.

And we have some extraordinary leaders with us tonight, and I thank everybody who’s here for taking time out of your busy lives to spend this evening together. 

I want to thank Georgia’s congressional delegation — (applause) — all the local and community leaders who are here with us.  Let’s please give it up for Samuel L. Jackson — (applause); Spike Lee — (applause); Tyler Perry — (applause); and the great American poet, Bruce Springsteen.  (Applause.)

So, Atlanta, before I was vice president of the United States, before I was a United States senator, and before that, a two-term attorney general for the state of California, and before that, a district attorney and a courtroom prosecutor — and in those roles, I took on perpetrators of all kinds: predators, fraudsters, and repeat offenders.  I took them on, and I won. 

Well, Georgia, in 12 days, it’s Donald Trump’s turn.  (Applause.)  (Laughs.)  It’s his turn. 

Just 12 days left in one of the most consequential elections of our lifetime.  And I don’t need to tell you, voting has already started.  And everybody here knows it’s going to be a tight race until the very end, so we have a lot of work ahead of us.  But we like hard work.  Hard work is good work.  (Applause.)  Hard work is joyful work.  (Applause.) 

And make no mistake, we will win.  (Applause.)  We will win.  We will win. 

     AUDIENCE:  We will win!  We will win!  We will win!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Or as a certain former president would say, “Yes, we can.”  (Applause.) 

AUDIENCE:  Yes, we can!  Yes, we can!  Yes, we can!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yes, we will, and, yes, we can.  And here’s — here’s why we’re going to win.  We are going to win because we, together, are fighting for the future.  (Applause.)  We are fighting for the future.  We here understand we have an opportunity before us to turn the page on the fear and divisiveness that have characterized our politics for a decade because of Donald Trump. 

We have the opportunity to turn the page and chart a new way and a joyful way forward — (applause) — a way that taps into the ambitions, the aspirations, the dreams of the American people. 

And I will tell you, as I travel our country, there is an overwhelming call for a fresh start, for a new generation of leadership that is optimistic and excited about what we can do together.  There is a yearning for a president of the United States who will see you, who gets you, and who will fight for you.  (Applause.) 

And my whole career, I have put the people before partisanship.  I never once asked somebody, “Are you a Democrat, or are you a Republican?”  Instead, I always asked, “How can I help you?”  (Applause.) 

And that is a major difference between Donald Trump and me and between the two very different — extremely different visions that he and I have for our nation: one, his, focused on the past and himself; the other, ours, focused on the future and you. 

Together, we will build a future where we bring down the cost of living, and that will be my focus every single day as president of the United States.  (Applause.)  Because, look, while inflation is down and wages are up, prices are still too high.  You know it, and I know it. 

And unlike Donald Trump, who had $400 million served to him on a silver platter and still minag- — managed to file for bankruptcy six times — he talks about being a good businessman.  Come on.  (Laughter.)  Unlike him, I grew up in a middle-class neighborhood with a working mother who kept a strict budget and did everything she could to make sure my sister and I had all that we needed.  I come from the middle class, and I will never forget where I come from.  (Applause.)  I will never forget where I come from. 

Which is why my commonsense plan will lower the prices you pay on everything from prescription drugs to groceries to housing.  On the other hand, Donald Trump will raise costs on you and your families. 

In fact, independent economists have analyzed our plans and found that mine will cut your costs and strengthen our economy; his will increase inflation and lead to a recession by the middle of next year.  These are independent economists — Nobel laureate, prize-winning economists who have reviewed our plans and are very clear.

And his agenda is all laid out in Project 2025, a detailed and dangerous blueprint for what he will do if he is elected president. 

And, look, Donald Trump intends to impose a 20 percent Trump national sales tax on everyday basic necessities —

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — which will cost the average family nearly $4,000 a year. 

On the other hand, I will take on price gouging — corporate price gouging.  I’ve done it before, and I will do it again.  (Applause.)

Donald Trump will give massive tax cuts to billionaires and the biggest corporations, exactly like he did the last time he was president. 

     AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  I will give middle-class tax cuts to 100 million Americans, including $6,000 during the first year of a child’s life that will also lift — that will also lift America’s children out of poverty.  (Applause.)

Donald Trump will get rid of the $35 cap on insulin for seniors.  He will cut Medicare and Social Security.  In fact, economists have reported he will bankrupt Social Security in just six years. 

My plan is a plan to support our seniors so that they can grow older with dignity and so their families — you — are not overwhelmed by the cost of home health care.  (Applause.) 

And on top of that, my plan will bring down the cost of housing, cut taxes for small businesses — where are the small businesses in the house? — (applause) — you are the backbone of America’s economy, all of you — and we will lower health care costs because I believe health care should be a right and not just the privilege of those who can afford it.  (Applause.)

Donald Trump, on the other hand, intends to end the Affordable Care Act — or, like we like to call it, Obamacare.  (Applause.)  And he wants to take us back to when insurance companies had the power to deny people with preexisting conditions. 

     Well, we are —

     AUDIENCE:  Not going back!

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — not going back.  We are not going back. 

AUDIENCE:  We’re not going back!  We’re not going back!  We’re not going back!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  We’re not going back. 

AUDIENCE:  We’re not going back!  We’re not going back!  We’re not going back!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  We’re not going back.  We’re not going back.  No, we are not, because we will move forward, and it is time to turn the page.  (Applause.) 

Ours is a fight for the future, and it is a fight for freedom — for freedom, like the fundamental freedom of a woman to make decisions about her own body and not have her government tell her what to do.  (Applause.)

And we — we remember how we got here.  Donald Trump hand-selected three members of the United States Supreme Court with the intention that they would undo the protections of Roe v. Wade, and they did as he intended.  And now, in America, one in three women lives in a state with a Trump abortion ban. 

I don’t need to tell the folks here: Except for Virginia, in every state in the South, including Georgia, there is a Trump abortion ban, many with no exceptions even for rape and incest. 

And let me tell you, the idea that someone who survives a crime of a violation to their body would be told they don’t have the authority to make a decision about what happens to their body next — that is immoral.  It is immoral.  It is immoral.  (Applause.) 

And everybody here knows, one does not have to abandon their faith or deeply held beliefs to agree the government should not be telling her what to do.  (Applause.)  Not the government.  If she chooses, she will talk with her pastor, her priest, her rabbi, her imam, but not the government, not some folks up in a state capitol telling her what to do with her own body. 

And notice, Donald Trump still refuses to even acknowledge the pain and the suffering he has caused. 

He insists that, quote, “everybody” wanted for Roe v. Wade to be overturned —

     AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — which is just a further example of how out of touch the man is.  Everybody wanted this?  Women are being denied care during miscarriages, some only being treated once they develop sepsis.  They didn’t want this. 

Couples just trying to grow their family have been cut off in the middle of IVF treatments.  They didn’t want this. 

Women have died because of these bans, including a young mother of a six-year-old son right here in Georgia.  Her family is here with us tonight, and we speak her name: Amber Nicole Thurman.  (Applause.)

And you all have heard me say, look, I do believe Donald Trump to be an unserious man, and the consequences of him ever being president again are brutally serious. 

These are just some of the consequences of the Trump abortion bans and what he does and what he’s likely to do. 

And I pledge to you, when Congress passes a bill to restore reproductive freedom nationwide, as president of the United States, I will proudly sign it into law.  (Applause.)  Proudly.

And across our nation, we are witnessing a full-on assault on other hard-fought, hard-won freedoms and rights — fundamental freedoms and rights — like, Georgia knows, attacks on the freedom to vote, attacks on the freedom to be safe from gun violence, the freedom to breathe clean air and drink clean water, the freedom to love who you love openly and with pride.  (Applause.) 

And as Atlanta knows well, generations of Americans before us led the fight for freedom, and now the baton is in our hands.  It is in our hands.  (Applause.) 

And so, I’d like to speak in particular to all the young leaders that I see here this evening.  (Applause.)  I see you.  I see you.  I see you.  And to you, I say, you all have grabbed the baton.  I’ve seen what you do, and I see how you are doing it, because you are rightly impatient for change. 

You, who have only known the climate crisis, are leading the charge to protect our planet and our future.  (Applause.) 

You, young leaders who grew up with active-shooter drills, are fighting to keep our schools safe.  (Applause.) 

You, who know now fewer rights than your mothers and grandmothers, are standing up for reproductive freedom.  (Applause.)

 And I know it is because for you — I say to our young leaders — this is not theoretical, this is not political, this is your lived experience.  And what I love about you is you are not waiting for other people to figure this out.  (Applause.)

So, I see you, and I see your power.  And I know so many of you are voting for the first time and know that our future is so good with you all at the helm.  (Applause.)  And I’m so proud of you. 

Can we hear it for our young leaders and first-time voters?  (Applause.)

So, listen, so much is on the line in this election, and this is not 2016 or 2020.  The stakes are even higher, because over the last years — and, in particular, the last eight years — Donald Trump has become more confused, more unstable, and more angry.  You see it every day.  He has become increasingly unhinged. 

But last time, at least there were people around him who could control him.  But do notice, in this election, they’re not with him this time. 

In fact, just this week, America heard from John Kelly, a retired four-star Marine general, who was Trump’s White House chief of staff, who said that, as president, Trump praised Hitler — take a moment to think about what that means — that Trump said, quote, “Hitler did some good things” —

AUDIENCE:  Booo —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — and that Trump wished he had generals like Hitler’s, who would be loyal to Trump and not to America’s Constitution. 

This is not 2016 and it is not 2020, including because just a few months ago, the United States Supreme Court told the former president that he is effectively immune no matter what he does in the White House. 

Now, just imagine Donald Trump with no guardrails — he who will claim unchecked and extreme power if he is reelected, who has vowed that he will be a dictator on day one, who calls Americans who disagree with him — I’m going to quote — “the enemy from within.”  You know what that harkens back to?  He’s calling Americans “the enemy within.” 

Who says that he would use the military to go after them.  And he who has called for the, quote, “termination” of the Constitution of the United States.

Let us be very clear.  Someone who suggests we should terminate the Constitution of the United States of America should never again stand behind the seal of the president of the United States of America.  (Applause.)  Never again.  Never again. 

AUDIENCE:  We’re not going back!  We’re not going back!  We’re not going back!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  So, America, there is a huge contrast in this election.  Just imagine — just imagine the Oval Office in three months.  Picture it in your mind. 

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  You’re going to be there!  (Applause.)

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  It is either — so — but there’s a choice that everybody has.  So, let’s imagine it for a moment. 

It’s either Donald Trump in there, stewing — stewing over his enemies list, or me — (applause) — working for you, checking off my to-do list. 

You have the power to make that decision.  It is your power.  It is your power. 

AUDIENCE:  (Inaudible.)

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  So, 12 — 12 days.

AUDIENCE:  (Inaudible.)

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  All right.  So — okay, we got work to do.  We got work to do. 

Okay.  So, Georgia, listen, it all comes down to this.  We are here together because we know what is at stake.  We are here together because we love our country.  We love our country.  And I do believe it is one of the highest forms of patriotism to fight, then, for the ideals of our country and to fight to realize the promise of America.  That’s why we are here. 

And as the great Congressman John Lewis reminded us, democracy is not a state; it is an act. 

So, Georgia, now is our time to act.  And together, we will win.  We will win.  (Applause.)  We will win.

AUDIENCE:  We will win!  We will win!  We will win!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  So, Election Day —

AUDIENCE:  We will win!  We will win!  We will win!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  So, Election Day is in 12 days, okay?  Twelve days.  And early voting has already started. 

So, Georgia, we need you to vote early.  Please vote early.  Go to IWillVote.com to get all the information you might need, because, folks, the election is here.  It is here.  It is upon us, and the choice is truly in your hands. 

Your vote is your voice, and your voice is your power.  (Applause.)

So, Georgia, I ask you: Are you ready to make your voices heard?  (Applause.)

Do we believe in freedom?  (Applause.)

Do we believe in opportunity?  (Applause.)

Do we believe in the promise of America?  (Applause.)

And are we ready to fight for it?  (Applause.)

And when we fight —

AUDIENCE:  We win!

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — we win.

God bless you.  And God bless the United States of America.  (Applause.) END                 8:19 P.M. EDT

The post Remarks by Vice President Harris at a Campaign Event | Clarkston, GA appeared first on The White House.

South Lawn

3:50 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: I’m heading —

(Cross-talk.)

THE PRESIDENT: I’m —

(Cross-talk.)

THE PRESIDENT: I’m heading to do something that should have been done a long time ago: to make a formal apology to the Indian Nations for the way we treated their children for so many years. That’s why I’m going — that’s why I’m heading West.

Thank you.

3:50 P.M. EDT

The post Remarks by President Biden Before Marine One Departure appeared first on The White House.

National Defense University
Washington, D.C.

MR. SULLIVAN: Good morning, everyone. And thanks so much for that introduction, Lieutenant Colonel Grewal. And I also want to thank the National War College for bringing us all together today. And I want to thank my colleagues from across the intelligence community and DOD, as well as from the NSC, who have really put their blood, sweat, toil, and tears into producing this National Security Memorandum on Artificial Intelligence that we’re rolling out today.

Most importantly, though, I want to thank all of you for allowing me to be here to say a few words this morning. It’s truly an honor for me to be here. And, in fact, there’s a reason I wanted to address this specific group of leaders.

More than 75 years ago, just a few months after the Second World War ended, then-General Dwight Eisenhower wrote a letter to his fellow military leaders. All around them, the world was changing. Nazi Germany had fallen. Nations were rebuilding. The Cold War was just beginning. And people everywhere were reckoning with the horrors of the Holocaust.

It was a new era, one that demanded new strategies, new thinking, and new leadership.

So, General Eisenhower pitched an idea: a National War College. He didn’t know where it would be or what exactly it would look like, but he knew America needed a school whose primary function would be, as he wrote, quote, “to develop doctrine rather than to accept and follow prescribed doctrine.” Develop, not accept and follow.

That idea has guided this institution ever since. In the aftermath of the Second World War, it led your forebearers to reimagine our decision-making apparatus, including the establishment of the National Security Council. Thanks for that. (Laughter.)

During the Cold War, it led them to develop new strategies to advance our national security, including implementing containment, détente, and beyond.

And throughout the global war against terror, your predecessors have pioneered new thinking and new tactics that have helped keep our nation safe.

Now it’s your turn.

We’re in an age of strategic competition in an interdependent world, where we have to compete vigorously and also mobilize partners to solve great challenges that no one country can solve on its own.

In this age, in this world, the application of artificial intelligence will define the future, and our country must once again develop new capabilities, new tools, and, as General Eisenhower said, new doctrine, if we want to ensure that AI works for us, for our partners, for our interests, and for our values, and not against us.

That’s why I’m proud to announce that President Biden has signed a National Security Memorandum on Artificial Intelligence. This is our nation’s first-ever strategy for harnessing the power and managing the risks of AI to advance our national security.

So, today I want to talk to you about what’s brought us to this moment and how our country needs all of you to help us meet it.

Like many of you here at the War College, I’ve had to grapple with AI and its implications for national security since I became National Security Advisor — about what makes it so potentially transformative and about what makes it different from other technological leaps our country has navigated before, from electrification to nuclear weapons to space flight to the Internet.

And I’ve seen three key things in particular.

First, the sheer speed of the development of artificial intelligence. The technical frontier of AI continues to advance rapidly — more rapidly than we’ve seen with other technologies.

Let’s just take protein folding as an example. Discovering a protein structure, or how it folds, is essential for understanding how it interacts with other molecules, which can solve fundamental puzzles in medicine and accelerate the development of treatment and cures. Up until 2018, humanity had collectively discovered the structure of around 150,000 proteins, largely through manual efforts, sometimes after years of painstaking work using advanced microscopes and x-rays.

Then, Google DeepMind showed that AI could predict the structure of a protein without any wet lab work. By 2022, four years later, that same team released predicted structures for almost every protein known to science, hundreds of millions in all.

Just a few weeks ago, the scientist involved won a Nobel Prize.

Now, imagine that same pace of change in the realms of science that impact your work as national security leaders every day.

Imagine how AI will impact areas where we’re already seeing paradigm shifts, from nuclear physics to rocketry to stealth, or how it could impact areas of competition that may not have yet matured, that we actually can’t even imagine, just as the early Cold Warriors could not really have imagined today’s cyber operations.

Put simply, a specific AI application that we’re trying to solve for today in the intelligence or military or commercial domains could look fundamentally different six weeks from now, let alone six months from now, or a year from now, or six years from now. The speed of change in this area is breathtaking.

This is compounded by huge uncertainty around AI’s growth trajectory, which is the second distinctive trait.

Over the last four years, I’ve met with scientists and entrepreneurs, lab CEOs and hyperscalers, researchers and engineers, and civil society advocates. And throughout all of those conversations, there’s clear agreement that developments in artificial intelligence are having a profound impact on our world.

But opinions diverge when I ask them, “What exactly should we expect next?” There’s a spectrum of views. At one end, some experts believe we barely kicked off the AI revolution, that AI capabilities will continue to grow exponentially, building on themselves to unlock paths we didn’t know existed, and that this could happen fast, well within this decade. And if they’re right, we could be on the cusp of one of the most significant technological shifts in human history.

At the other end of the spectrum is a view that AI isn’t a growth spurt, but it has or soon will plateau, or at least the pace of change will slow considerably, and more dramatic breakthroughs are further down the road.

Experts who believe this aren’t saying AI won’t be consequential, but they argue that the last-mile work of applying AI, that are already here — the capabilities that are already here — is what will matter most, not just now but for the foreseeable future.

These views are vastly different, with vastly different implications.

Now, innovation has never been predictable, but the degree of uncertainty in AI development is unprecedented. The size of the question mark distinguishes AI for many other technological challenges our government has had to face and make policy around. And that is our responsibility.

As National Security Advisor, I have to make sure our government is ready for every scenario along the spectrum. We have to build a national security policy that will protect the American people and the American innovation ecosystem, which is so critical to our advantage, even if the opportunities and challenges we face could manifest in fundamentally different ways. We have to be prepared for the entire spectrum of possibilities of where AI is headed in 2025, 2027, 2030, and beyond.

Now, what makes this even more difficult is that private companies are leading the development of AI, not the government. This is the third distinctive feature.

Many of the technological leaps of the last 80 years emerged from public research, public funding, public procurement. Our government took an early and critical role in shaping developments, from nuclear physics and space exploration to personal computing to the Internet.

That’s not been the case with most of the recent AI revolution. While the Department of Defense and other agencies funded a large share of AI work in the 20th century, the private sector has propelled much of the last decade of progress. And in many ways, that’s something to celebrate. It’s a testament to American ingenuity, to the American innovation system that American companies lead the world in frontier AI. It’s America’s special sauce. And it’s a good thing that taxpayers don’t have to foot the full bill for AI training costs, which can be staggeringly high.

But those of us in government have to be clear-eyed about the implications of this dynamic as both stewards and deployers of this technology.

Here, two things can be true at the same time.

On the one hand, major technology companies that develop and deploy AI systems by virtue of being American have given America a real national security lead, a lead that we want to extend. And they’re also going head-to-head with PRC companies like Huawei to provide digital services to people around the world. We’re supporting those efforts, because we want the United States to be the technology partner of choice for countries around the world.

On the other hand, we need to take responsible steps to ensure fair competition and open markets; to protect privacy, human rights, civil rights, civil liberties; to make sure that advanced AI systems are safe and trustworthy; to implement safeguards so that AI isn’t used to undercut our national security.

The U.S. government is fully capable of managing this healthy tension, as long as we’re honest and clear-eyed about it. And we have to get this right, because there is probably no other technology that will be more critical to our national security in the years ahead.

Now, when it comes to AI and our national security, I have both good news and bad news. The good news is that thanks to President Biden and Vice President Harris’s leadership, America is continuing to build a meaningful AI advantage.

Here at home, President Biden signed an executive order on the development and use of AI, the most comprehensive action that any country in the world has ever taken on AI.

We’ve worked to strengthen our AI talent, hardware, infrastructure, and governance. We’ve attracted leading researchers and entrepreneurs to move to and remain in the United States. We’ve unleashed tens of billions of dollars in incentives to catalyze domestic leading-edge chip production. We’ve led the world in issuing guidance to make sure that AI development and use is safe, secure, and trustworthy.

And as we’ve done all of this, we’ve scrutinized AI trends, not just frontier AI, but also the AI models that will proliferate most widely and rapidly around the world. And we’re working to enhance American advantages across the board.

But here’s the bad news: Our lead is not guaranteed. It is not pre-ordained. And it is not enough to just guard the progress we’ve made, as historic as it’s been. We have to be faster in deploying AI in our national security enterprise than America’s rivals are in theirs. They are in a persistent quest to leapfrog our military and intelligence capabilities. And the challenge is even more acute because they are unlikely to be bound by the same principles and responsibilities and values that we are.

The stakes are high. If we don’t act more intentionally to seize our advantages, if we don’t deploy AI more quickly and more comprehensively to strengthen our national security, we risk squandering our hard-earned lead.

Even if we have the best AI models but our competitors are faster to deploy, we could see them seize the advantage in using AI capabilities against our people, our forces, and our partners and allies. We could have the best team but lose because we didn’t put it on the field.

We could see advantages we built over decades in other domains, like space and undersea operations, be reduced or eroded entirely with AI-enabled technology.

And for all our strengths, there remains a risk of strategic surprise. We have to guard against that — which is why I’m here today.

Our new National Security Memorandum on AI seeks to address exactly this set of challenges. And as rising national security leaders, you will be charged with implementing it with no time to lose.

So, in the balance of my remarks, I want to spend a few minutes explaining the memorandum’s three main lines of effort: securing American leadership in AI, harnessing AI for national security, and strengthening international AI partnerships.

First, we have to ensure the United States continues to lead the world in developing AI. Our competitors also know how important AI leadership is in today’s age of geopolitical competition, and they are investing huge resources to seize it for themselves. So we have to start upping our game, and that starts with people.

America has to continue to be a magnet for global, scientific, and tech talent. As I noted, we’ve already taken major steps to make it easier and faster for top AI scientists, engineers, and entrepreneurs to come to the United States, including by removing friction in our visa rules to attract talent from around the world.

And through this new memorandum, we’re taking more steps, streamlining visa processing wherever we can for applicants working with emerging technologies. And we’re calling on Congress to get in the game with us, staple more green cards to STEM diplomas, as President Biden has been pushing to do for years.

So, that’s the people part of the equation.

Next is hardware and power. Developing advanced AI systems requires large volumes of advanced chips, and keeping those AI systems humming requires large amounts of power.

On chips, we’ve taken really significant steps forward. We passed the CHIPS and Science Act, making a generational investment in our semiconductor manufacturing, including the leading-edge logic chips and the high-bandwidth memory chips needed for AI.

We’ve also taken decisive action to limit strategic competitors’ access to the most advanced chips necessary to train and use frontier AI systems with national security implications, as well as the tools needed to make those chips.

The National Security Memorandum builds on this progress by directing all of our national security agencies to make sure that those vital chip supply chains are secure and free from foreign interference.

On power, the memorandum recognizes the importance of designing, permitting, and constructing clean energy generation facilities that can serve AI data centers so that the companies building world-leading AI infrastructure build as much as possible here in the United States in a way that is consistent with our climate goals.

One thing is for certain: If we don’t rapidly build out this infrastructure in the next few years, adding tens or even hundreds of gigawatts of clean power to the grid, we will risk falling behind.

Finally, there’s funding for innovation. This fiscal year, federal funding for non-defense R&D declined significantly. And Congress still hasn’t appropriated the science part of the CHIPS and Science Act, even while China is increasing its science and technology budget 10 percent year over year. That can mean critical gaps in AI R&D.

We want to work with Congress to make sure this and the other requirements within the AI National Security Memorandum are funded. And we’ve received strong bipartisan signals of support for this from the Hill. So, it’s time for us to collectively roll up our sleeves on a bicameral, bipartisan basis and get this done.

And we also have to be aware that our competitors are watching closely, not least because they would love to depose our AI leadership. One playbook we’ve seen them deploy again and again is theft and espionage. So, the National Security Memorandum takes this head on. It establishes addressing adversary threats against our AI sector as a top-tier intelligence priority, a move that means more resources and more personnel will be devoted to combating this threat.

It also directs people across government, like so many of you, to work more closely with private sector AI developers to provide them with timely cybersecurity and counter-intelligence information to keep their technology secure, just as we’ve already worked to protect other elements of the U.S. private sector from threats to them and to our national security.

The second pillar focuses on how we harness our advantage and our enduring advantage to advance national security.

As National Security Advisor, I see how AI is already poised to transform the national security landscape. And where you sit, as war fighters, as diplomats, as intelligence officers, I’m sure you’re seeing it too. Some change is already here. AI is reshaping our logistics, our cyber vulnerability detection, how we analyze and synthesize intelligence. Some change we see looming on the horizon, including AI-enabled applications that will transform the way our military trains and fights. But some change, as I said earlier, we truly cannot predict in both the form it will take and how fast it will come.

Bottom line: Opportunities are already at hand, and more soon will be, so we’ve got to seize them quickly and effectively, or our competitors will first.

That means all of us in the national security enterprise have to become much more adept users of AI. It means we need to make significant technical, organizational, and policy changes to ease collaboration with the actors that are driving this development. And the National Security Memorandum does just that. It directs agencies to propose ways to enable more effective collaboration with non-traditional vendors, such as leading AI companies and cloud computing providers.

In practice, that means quickly putting the most advanced systems to use in our national security enterprise just after they’re developed, like how many in private industry are doing. We need to be getting fast adoption of these systems, which are iterating and advancing, as we see every few months.

Next, today’s AI systems are more generally capable than the bespoke and narrow tools that dominated prior AI. And this general capability is a huge advantage. But the flipside is they cost much more to train and run. So we’re pushing agencies to use shared computing resources to accelerate AI adoption, lower cost, and learn from one another as they responsibly address a wide range of threats, from nuclear security to biosecurity to cybersecurity.

And I emphasize that word, “responsibly.” Developing and deploying AI safely, securely, and, yes, responsibly, is the backbone of our strategy. That includes ensuring that AI systems are free of bias and discrimination.

This is profoundly in our self-interest. One reason is that even if we can attract AI talent or foster AI development here in the United States, we won’t be able to lead the world if people do not trust our systems. And that means developing standards for AI evaluations, including what makes those systems work and how they might fail in the real world. It means running tests on the world’s most advanced AI systems before they’re released to the public. And it means leading the way in areas like content authentication and watermarking so people know when they’re interacting with AI, as opposed to interacting with, for example, a real human.

To do all of that, we have to empower and learn from a full range of AI firms, experts, and entrepreneurs, which our AI Safety Institute is now doing on a daily basis.

Another reason we need to focus so much on responsibility, safety, and trustworthiness is a little bit counterintuitive. Ensuring security and trustworthiness will actually enable us to move faster, not slow us down. Put simply, uncertainty breeds caution. When we lack confidence about safety and reliability, we’re slower to experiment, to adopt, to use new capabilities, and we just can’t afford to do that in today’s strategic landscape.

That’s why our memorandum directs the first-ever government-wide framework on AI risk management commitments in the national security space, commitments like refraining from uses that depart from our nation’s core values, avoiding harmful bias and discrimination, maximizing accountability, ensuring effective and appropriate human oversight.

As I said, preventing misuse and ensuring high standards of accountability will not slow us down; it will actually do the opposite. And we’ve seen this before with technological change.

During the early days of the railroads, for example, the establishment of safety standards enabled trains to run faster thanks to increased certainty, confidence, and compatibility.

And I also want to note we’re going to update this framework regularly. This goes back to the uncertainty I mentioned earlier. There may be capabilities or novel legal issues that just haven’t emerged yet. We must and we will ensure our governance and our guardrails can adapt to meet the moment, no matter what it looks like or how quickly it comes.

Finally, we need to do all of this in lockstep with our partners, which is the third pillar of our memorandum.

President Biden often says we’re going to see more technological change in the next 10 years than we saw in the last 50. He’s right. And it doesn’t just apply to our country, but to all countries.

And when it comes to AI specifically, we need to ensure that people around the world are able to seize the benefits and mitigate the risks. That means building international norms and partnerships around AI.

Over the last year, thanks to the leadership of President Biden and Vice President Harris, we’ve laid that foundation. We developed the first-ever International Code of Conduct on AI with our G7 partners. We joined more than two dozen nations at the Bletchley and Seoul AI summits to outline clear AI principles.

We released our Political Declaration on the Military Use of AI, which more than 50 countries have endorsed, to outline what constitutes responsible practices for using AI in the military domain.

And we sponsored the first-ever U.N. General Assembly Resolution on AI, which passed unanimously, including with the PRC, I might add, as a co-sponsor.

It makes clear that, as I said, we can both seize the benefits of AI for the world and advance AI safety.

Let me take just a moment to speak about the PRC specifically.

Almost a year ago, when President Biden and President Xi met in San Francisco, they agreed to a dialogue between our two countries on AI risk and safety. And this past May, some of our government’s top AI experts met PRC officials in Geneva for a candid and constructive initial conversation.

I strongly believe that we should always be willing to engage in dialogue about this technology with the PRC and with others to better understand risks and counter misperceptions.

But those meetings do not diminish our deep concerns about the ways in which the PRC continues to use AI to repress its population, spread misinformation, and undermine the security of the United States and our allies and partners.

AI should be used to unleash possibilities and empower people. And nations around the world, especially developing economies, want to know how to do that. They don’t want to be left behind, and we don’t want that either.

Our national security has always been stronger when we extend a hand to partners around the world. So, we need to get the balance right. We need to balance protecting cutting-edge AI technologies on the one hand, while also promoting AI technology adoption around the world.

Protect and promote. We can and must and are doing both.

So let me briefly preview for you a new global approach to AI diffusion, how AI can spread around the world in a responsible way that allows AI for good while protecting against downside risk.

This new global approach complements the memorandum that has come out, and comes out of extended conversations in the Situation Room and with allies, industry, and partners over the last year.

The finer print will come out later, but I can say now that it will give the private sector more clarity and predictability as they plan to invest hundreds of billions of dollars globally.

This includes how our government will manage the export of the most advanced chips necessary to develop frontier models; how we will ensure broad access to substantial AI computing power that lies behind the bleeding-edge but could nonetheless transform health, agriculture, and manufacturing around the world; how we will help facilitate partnerships between leading American AI firms and countries around the world that want to be part of the AI revolution; and how we will set safety and security standards for these partnerships to ensure we effectively protect against risks while unleashing new opportunities.

These partnerships are critical. They’re fundamental to our leadership. We know that China is building its own technological ecosystem with digital infrastructure that won’t protect sensitive data, that can enable mass surveillance and censorship, that can spread misinformation, and that can make countries vulnerable to coercion.

So, we have to compete to provide a more attractive path, ideally before countries go too far down an untrusted road from which can be expensive and difficult to return. And that’s what we’re doing.

We’ve already developed new partnerships that will support economic progress, technological innovation, and indigenous AI ecosystems, from Africa to Asia to the Middle East and beyond. And we’re going to keep at it, with a clear and rigorous approach to AI diffusion.

Now, I do want to make sure I leave time for our conversation, so let me just close with this:

Everything I just laid out is a plan, but we need all of you to turn it into progress. We need you, and leaders across every state and every sector, to adopt this technology to advance our national security and to do it fast.

We need you to ensure that our work aligns with the core values that have always underpinned American leadership.

And as President Eisenhower said, we need you to constantly update and develop our AI doctrine in the years ahead.

It will be hard. It will require constant thinking, constant rethinking, constant innovation, constant collaboration, and constant leadership. But with the past as our proof, I know that everyone in this room and all across our country is up for it. And together, we will win the competition for the 21st century.

So, thank you, and I look forward to the conversation. (Applause.)

The post Remarks by APNSA Jake Sullivan on AI and National Security appeared first on The White House.

Warwick Hotel Rittenhouse Square Philadelphia
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

1:27 P.M. EDT

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Oh, hi, guys. 

     Q    Hello.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Okay.  Good morning — or af- —

     Q    Good afternoon.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — afternoon.  Good afternoon.  Good afternoon.

Well, let me start by saying I’m really very proud to announce that we’ve had some endorsements this morning, as we’ve been rolling out endorsements, by two leaders in the Republican Party: the mayor of Waukesha and then, of course, former Representative Fred Upton.

And this continues to be, I think, evidence of the fact that people who have been leaders in our country, regardless of their political party, understand what’s at stake.  And they are weighing in — courageously, in many cases — in support of what we need to have, which is a president of the United States who understands the obligation to uphold the Constitution of the United States and our democracy.

As for last night, yet again, Trump not showing up, refused to be a part of a CNN debate.  And clearly, his staff has been saying he’s exhausted.  And the sad part about that is he’s trying to be president of the United States, probably the toughest job in the world, and he’s exhausted.

I said last night what I mean, which is the American people are being presented with a very serious decision, and it includes what we must understand will happen, starting on January 20th, in this choice. 

Either you have the choice of a Donald Trump, who will sit in the Oval Office stewing, plotting revenge, retribution, writing out his enemies list, or what I will be doing, which is responding to folks like the folks last night with a to-do list, understanding the need to work on lifting up the American people, whether it be through the issue of grocery prices and bringing them down or investing in our economy, investing in our small businesses, investing in our families.

Happy to take any questions.

     Q    Madam Vice President, you will be back in Philadelphia with members of your team on Monday, former President Barack Obama, as well as Bruce Springsteen.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yes.

     Q    Do you — can you tell us where you — that may be? 

And secondly, any other, as we would say, heavy hitters in your campaign planning to come to Philadelphia in the lead-up to Election Day?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Well, I’m very honored to have the support of former President Obama.  As you know, he’s been on the campaign trail and has been really wonderful and extraordinary in terms of the time and effort that he’s putting into our campaign.  And people like Bruce Springsteen, to have their support — and, of course, he is an American icon — I think it just shows the breadth and depth of the support that we have and also the enthusiasm that a lot of people are bringing to the campaign and feel about our campaign.

Q    Any other big names we can share?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  I have nothing to report at this moment.  (Laughs.)

Q    (Inaudible.)

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Stay tuned, however.

Q    Vice President, what do you make of the gender gap in this election?  Why do you think you have stronger support among women than the former president?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Well, I have to be honest with you, it’s not what I see in terms of my rallies, in terms of the interactions I’m having with people in communities and — and on the ground.  What I am seeing is e- — in equal measure, men and women talking about their concerns about the future of our democracy; talking about the fact that they want a president who leads with optimism and takes on the challenges that we face, whether it be grocery prices or investing in small businesses or homeownership. 

So, I’m not actually seeing that kind of disparity, and I intend to be a president for all Americans.  And that includes paying attention, yes, to a fundamental freedom that has been taken away because of Donald Trump — the freedom of a woman to make decisions about her own body — and, in equal measure, to prioritize the economic needs of individuals and families in America and what we also must do in terms of upholding our strength and standing on the global stage.

Q    Madam Vice President —

Q    Madam Vice President —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:   You all sort that out, okay?  (Laughter.)

Q    How are you going to vote on Prop 36 in California? You are a California voter.  Do California and other states need to punish drug and theft crimes more harshly?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  So, I have not yet voted, and I have not yet had the chance to read through the ballot.  I will keep you posted on that.

AIDE:  We have time for one more question.

Q    Madam Vice President, this topic was brought up last night, but will construction of a southern border wall continue in your administration?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  I will tell you that my highest priority is to put the resources into ensuring that our border is secure, which is why I’ve been very clear: I’m going to bring back up, as president, that bipartisan border security bill and make sure that it is brought to my desk so I can sign it into law. 

The biggest issue that we have right now is that Donald Trump has stood in the way of what would have been a proven part of the solution to the bigger problem, which is that we have a broken immigration system in America, and we need to fix it.  And we have the tools at hand, but we have on the other side of this election, Donald Trump, who would prefer to run on a problem instead of fixing a problem. 

I intend to fix the problem in a way that is just about practical solutions that are within our arms reach if we have the commitment to do it. 

Okay?  Thank you.

The post Remarks by Vice President Harris in Press Gaggle | Philadelphia, PA appeared first on The White House.

Sun Center Studios
Chester Township, Pennsylvania

9:00 P.M. EDT

MR. COOPER:  Good evening.  Only 13 days to go in one of the most momentous and unusual presidential races in American history. 

Tonight, Kamala Harris faces voters in the biggest battleground prize: Pennsylvania.  CNN Presidential Town Hall begins right now. 

And welcome.  We are live from Chester Township, Pennsylvania, Delaware County, one of the critical counties around Philadelphia that will help determine who wins the White House. 

Welcome to CNN’s Presidential Town Hall with the Democratic nominee, Vice President Kamala Harris.  I’m Anderson Cooper. 

Now, in this room, we have assembled a group of 32 Pennsylvania voters who say they are still undecided or persuadable.  All of them are registered to vote.  Some cast votes for Joe Biden in 2020, others for Donald Trump.  Some didn’t vote at all.  And for some, this is their first election.  Many are leaning right now to one candidate or another, but they all say they have yet to make their final choice. 

Now we found these voters working with a nonpartisan research firm as well as business and religious groups, universities, and other civic organizations.  These voters are asking their own questions tonight, selected by CNN to cover a variety of topics. 

You may see them holding a piece of paper when they’re asking their question.  It has their question on it.  That is a question they have come up with.  It has not been edited in any way by CNN. 

We also invited former President Donald Trump to participate in a town hall or a debate.  He declined. 

Ladies and gentlemen, please welcome Vice President Kamala Harris.  (Applause.)

(The Vice President enters the stage.)

Madam Vice President, thank you.  Appreciate it.  Thanks.  You have a mic right here. 

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you. 

     MR. COOPER:  Thank you so much —

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Good evening, everyone.  Good evening. 

MR. COOPER:  Thank you so much for being with us.  We’re going to get to the audience in just a second. 

I want to start by asking you, though — for weeks, you have been calling Donald Trump “unstable,” “unhinged.”  You’ve called him “dangerous.”  You quoted General Milley recently, who called him a “fascist.”

Today, you quoted General Kelly, who said that Trump repeatedly praised Hitler.

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yeah.

MR. COOPER:  But there are tens of millions of Americans right now who have heard all those things, and they don’t buy it or, even if they do, they’re still going to vote for Donald Trump. 

He’s arguably more popular now than ever.  You have 13 days to go.  What do you say to those voters to convince them? Because some of them are in this room.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Sure, and I — I thank you all for taking the time to be here.  And you could be doing a number of other things with your time, so this really is proof that we love our country.  People are engaged, Anderson, and really want to talk about the issues. 

And so, the issue that you raise — yes, I do believe that Donald Trump is unstable — increasingly unstable and unfit to serve. 

And I don’t necessarily think that everyone has heard what you and I have heard repeatedly, which is the people who know Donald Trump best, the people who worked with him in the White House, in the Situation Room, in the Oval Office — all Republicans, by the way, who served in his administration — his former chief of staff, his national security advisor, former secretaries of Defense, and his vice president have all called him unfit and dangerous. 

They have said, explicitly, he has contempt for the Constitution of the United States.  They have said he should never again serve as president of the United States.  We know that is why Mike Pence is not running with him again, why the job was empty. 

And then, today, we learned that John Kelly, a four-star Marine general, who was his longest-serving chief of staff, gave an interview recently, in the last two weeks of this election, talking about how dangerous Donald Trump is. 

And I think one has to think about: Why would someone who served with him, who is not political — a four-star Marine general — why is he telling the American people now?  And frankly, I think of it as — as he’s just putting out a 911 call to the American people. 

Understand what could happen if Donald Trump were back in the White House.  And this time, we must take very seriously those folks who knew him best and who were career people are not going to be there to hold him back.  At least, before, there were folks who — we know what he would say, but they would restrain him. 

Imagine now Donald Trump in the Oval Office, in the Situation Room — he who has openly admired dictators, said he would be a dictator on day one.  The former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff has said he is a “fascist to the core.”

 So, I think that when the American people reflect, especially those who are undecided, on who you should listen to, don’t take my word for it.  In fact, go online and listen to John Kelly — his voice — talking about what he thinks of Donald Trump two weeks before the election. 

Because I think we all know — to your point, Anderson — it is close, but there are undecided voters who clearly, by being here, have an open mind, want to talk in a way that is abou- — grounded in issues and fact. 

And when they hear these facts, I think it compels a lot of people to be concerned about the future of our country with Donald Trump at the lead.

You’ve quoted General Milley calling Donald Trump a “fascist.”  You yourself have not used that word to describe him. 

Let me ask you tonight: Do you think Donald Trump is a fascist?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yes, I do.  Yes, I do.

And I — and I also believe that the people who know him best on this subject should be trusted.  Again, look at their careers.  These are not people — with the exception, I think, of only Mike Pence, these were not politicians. 

These are career people who have served in — in the highest roles in national security, who have served as generals in our military, who are highly respected, talking about the person who would be commander in chief, not to mention what we know and what they’ve told us about he talks — how he talks about the military, servicemen and women, referring to them as “suckers” and “losers.”  How he — he demeans people who have taken an oath to sacrifice their life for our country. 

And I do believe, Anderson, that part of this is why, even just this week, I traveled this state and others with Liz Cheney, former congressmember who was very a high-ranking Republican.  She has endorsed me.  Her father, the former vice president of the United States, Dick Cheney, is voting for me.  Over 400 members of — previous members of the administration — from Ronald Reagan to both Presidents Bush to Donald Trump — even have endorsed my candidacy.

And the reason why, among them, is a legitimate fear, based on Donald Trump’s words and actions, that he will not obey an oath to support and defend the Constitution of the United States.  He himself has said he would terminate the Constitution of the United States and wants to earn your vote to stand again behind the seal of the president of the United States.

No one standing behind the seal of the president of the United States of America should be in that position saying they want to terminate the Constitution of the United States. 

MR. COOPER:  Let’s get to some of our voters. 

This is a — I want you to meet a registered Republican who’s very concerned about Trump’s views on democracy and January 6th.  She told us she’s looking for a reason to vote for you, but is yet to make her final decision. 

Her name is Natasha Kwiatkowski.  She’s a student at Bryn Mawr College. 

What’s your question, Natasha?

     Q    Awesome.  Thank you for being here and thank you for taking my question.

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, Natasha. 

     Q    And as someone who hasn’t fully committed to either party, how do you plan to address the concerns of independent voters and anti-Trump Republicans like myself who feel left out of the polarized political landscape?  And what specific actions would you take to bridge the political divide and create more unity?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  That’s a wonderful question.  I pledge to you to be a president for all Americans.  And I think, to the point and the spirit of your question, that people are frankly exhausted with what has been happening over the last several years, which is this environment that is suggesting that Americans should be pointing fingers at one another, that we are divided as a nation, instead of what I think you and I — I will speak for us, I think — who believe and know the vast majority of us have so much more in common than what separates us. 

And I think that the American people deserve to have a president who is grounded in what is common sense, what is practical, and what is in the best interest of the people, not themselves. 

 I started my career as a prosecutor.  And I will tell you, I never in my career — and most of my career was outside of Washington, D.C., by the way.  Only four years, when I was in the Senate, were in Washington, other than being vice president. 

I have never, in my career as a prosecutor, asked a victim or a witness of a crime, “Are you a Democrat or Republican?”  The only thing I have ever asked is “Are you okay?”

And I do believe that is what the American people deserve in their president and not someone who makes decisions based on who voted for them or what is in their personal interest. 

And I reference that because, as we know, it has been revealed that Donald Trump, when he was president, during extreme disasters, when it came time to determine how those areas — those people who had been traumatized by extreme weather would get relief, he asked the question: Did they vote for him?

I believe the American people deserve better, and they deserve a president who is focused on solutions, not sitting in the Oval Office plotting their revenge and retribution. 

MR. COOPER:  Let me introduce you to Erik Svendsen.  He runs a service desk for an IT company in Conshohocken, Pennsylvania.  He’s registered as a libertarian, describes himself as an independent.  He says he’s undecided. 

     Erik.

     Q    Thank you, Anderson.  Thank you both for being here. 

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, Erik. 

     Q    So, my question is concerning groceries. 

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yeah.

Q    Grocery prices have gone up quite a bit in the last four years, and some people blame former President Trump.  Some people blame President Biden.  Who would you say is correct?  And what would you do to bring prices down for Americans?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, Erik.  And you’re absolutely right.  You know it.  I know it.  I think most Americans know it.  The price of groceries is still too high, and we need to address it in a number of ways. 

One of my aspects of doing what we need to do to bring down the cost of living for working people and the middle class in America is to address the issue of grocery prices. 

Part of my background and how I come to it is probably a new approach, grounded in a lot of my experiences as a former attorney general, where I took on price gouging.  And part of my plan is to create a new approach that is the first time that we will have a national ban on price gouging, which is companies taking advantage of the desperation and need of the American consumer and jacking up prices without any consequence or accountability. 

So, that is one way.  But to your point, Erik, there — you know, there are a number of issues that we need to address in terms of bringing down the cost of living.  It includes what we need as a — really, a new approach that I bring to the — the issue of affordable housing, including, for example, rent. 

And again, I bring to it my experience, knowing what has been happening in terms of how corporations have been buying up blocks of property to diminish competition, and then rents get jacked up, and addressing that both in terms of making sure that there is a consequence and accountability for that but also investing in people’s dreams of homeownership, you know, knowing that for too long, frankly, both administrations — I mean both administrations and both parties, Democrats and Republicans — haven’t done enough to deal with the issue of housing. 

And we need a new approach that includes working with the private sector — I say that as a — as a devout public servant — working with the private sector to cut through the red tape, working with homebuilders, working with developers to create tax incentives so that we can create more housing supply and bring down the price. 

MR. COOPER:  Let me just ask you about price gouging.  I looked at your plan.  You talked about going after price gougers — and I’m quoting from the plan — “on essential goods during emergencies or times of crisis.”

I get that.  How does that help, though, someone like Erik with prices that, for years, the groceries prices have just been high?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Well, first of all, Anderson, as you know — and obviously CNN has been covering extensively what has been happening in the state of Georgia, North Carolina, Florida — it’s a real issue. 

I — I was attorney general of California.  I was the top law enforcement officer of the biggest state in the country.  I took this issue on because it affects a lot of people.  And I’m not going to apologize for the fact that we need to actually deal with accountability when these — not all — in fact, most don’t — but when companies are taking advantage of the desperation and the need of the American people.

We saw it actually during the pandemic as well, where, because of supply chain issues, we — there was a reduction of supply and then they would inflate the price of everyday necessities — not to mention, by the way, again, Donald Trump should be here tonight to talk with you and answer your questions.  He’s not.  He refused to come. 

But understand that part of his plan is to put in place a national sales tax of at least 20 percent on everyday goods and necessities.  And that, by economists’ estimates — independent economists — would cost you, as the American consumer and taxpayer, an additional $4,000 a year. 

MR. COOPER:  I want you to meet Carol Nackenoff, a political science professor at Swarthmore College.  She’s a registered Democrat who says she’s leaning toward voting for you, has yet to make her final decision. 

     Carol.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Hi, Carol.  Thank you.

     Q    Good evening. 

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Good evening.

     Q    Thank you for visiting us in Delaware County —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Of course.

     Q    — Vice President Harris.

My question is this.  If you could accomplish only one major policy goal that required congressional action, what would it be and why?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Well, there’s not just one.  I have to be honest with you, Carol.  There’s a lot of work that needs to happen.

But let’s — let’s — I think that maybe part of this point that I — how I think about it is we’ve got to get past this era of politics and partisan politics slowing down what we need to do in terms of progress in our country.  And that means working across the aisle. 

 I’ve done that before.  We did it around — whether it be what we were able to accomplish with the bipartisan infrastructure deal or some of the work that we have done in terms of dealing with gun safety.

But we’ve got to work across the aisle, and it is my commitment to work with Democrats, with Republicans, with independents to deal with a number of issues, whether it be what we need to do in terms of housing and creating legislation that creates incentives for that; what we need to do to reinstate the freedom of a woman to make decisions about her own body and not have her government tell her what to do; whether it be what we need to do to actually invest in a substantial way in the industries of the future, in American-based manufacturing, in American-based industries where American workers and union workers have those jobs in a way that is good-paying jobs that gives people the dignity they deserve. 

All of those areas, I plan on working across the aisle and with Congress, including the issue of immigration, which we’ve got to fix. 

MR. COOPER:  Let me ask you.  You’ve talked about codifying Roe v. Wade.  That would obviously require 60 votes in — in the Senate, a majority of the House.  That’s a big — that’s a big leap.  You don’t — we don’t have that yet.  If that’s not possible, to codify it in the House, what do you do?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  I think we need to take a look at the filibuster, to be honest with you.

But the — the reality of it is this.  Let’s talk about how we got here.  When Donald Trump was president, he hand-selected three members of the United States Supreme Court with the intention that they would undo the protections of Roe v. Wade, and they did as he intended.  And now, in 20 states, we have Trump abortion bans that include punishing health care providers, doctors, and nurses. 

In Texas, you know, they provide for prison for life for a health care provider for doing the job that they believe is in the best interest of their patient. 

 J- — laws — Trump abortion bans, some that make no exception even for rape or incest. 

One of the areas I special in as a pro- — specialized in as a prosecutor was crimes against women and children.  The idea you would tell a survivor of a violation to their body that they have no right to make a decision about what happens to their body next?  This is what’s happening in our country. 

You all may have heard the stories.  Women have died.  Women have died because of these laws. 

And the suffering — I have to say, Anderson, traveling — for example, again, I was with Liz Cheney this week.  She is unapologetically pro-life and will also tell you that she doesn’t agree with what’s been happening. 

I find that many people I’ve met who are pro-life have said to me, “You know, I didn’t intend that this would happen.  I would — I didn’t intend that women who are suffering a miscarriage would develop sepsis,” as has happened many times.  “I didn’t intend that women would die.  I didn’t intend that there would now be restrictions on access to in vitro fertilization.  I didn’t intend that there would be an effort to limit access to contraception.”

So, you know, this is probably one of the most fundamental freedoms that we as Americans could imagine, which is the freedom to literally make decisions about your own body. 

And on some issues, I think we’ve got to agree that partisanship should be put aside.  And I’ll close with this point: I know it is possible because when you look at the midterms, in so-called red states and so-called blue states, when this issue of freedom was on the ballot, the American people voted for freedom. 

 MR. COOPER:  This is Leanne Griffiths.  She’s registered with no party affiliation.  She’s a student at the University of Pennsylvania.  She says she’s leaning towards supporting you, has yet to make up a final decision because she isn’t sure who’s better for the economy. 

     Leanne.

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yeah.

     Q    Hi, Vice President.  Thank you for being here today.

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Of course.

     Q    Considering you have been in the position of vice president for the past four years under the Biden administration, how can we expect you to deviate from the direction of that administration compared to your own?  How can we differentiate your policy and your beliefs from that of Biden’s?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  That’s a great question.  And thank you. 

Well, first of all, my administration will not be a continuation of the Biden administration.  I bring to this role my own ideas and my own experience.  I represent a new generation of leadership on a number of issues and believe that we have to actually take new approaches. 

For example, what we talked about in terms of housing, I — my experience that leads to that priority includes what I did to take on the big banks around the foreclosure crisis when I brought billions of dollars to homeowners that were the subject of predatory lending. 

I know what homeownership means to the American people, not to mention what it meant to my mother, who worked very hard and saved up so that by the time I was a teenager, she was able to buy our first home. 

I bring to it my experience actually taking care of my mother when she was sick, and it was — as it turned out, dying from cancer.  And so, I know what it means and have the experience of taking care of an elderly relative, and I have raised children. 

And so, I bring, too, my priorities and will, as president, a new approach and a new idea, frankly, about what we need to do to deal with the sandwich generation, which is what we call those folks who are literally in the middle, who are raising their young children and taking care of their parents, which is why my plan and approach says, “Hey, you shouldn’t have to — to wipe out all your savings to qualify for Medicaid to be able to get support, to hire somebody to help you cook for your parent or help them put on a sweater.”  I’ve done that.  I know what that requires. 

You shouldn’t have to quit your job in order to do the work that is necessary to take care of your children and your parent, because it’s overwhelming to try to do it all.  And so, my plan is to have and allow Medicare to cover the cost of home health care for our seniors. 

These are a couple of examples, including what we talked about in terms of price gouging and what we need to do in addition — and it’s a new approach that I think is well overdue — let’s invest in the small businesses of America. 

I — I — the woman who helped raise us was a small-business owner.  I know who small-business owners are.  I know what they do.  They are the backbone of America’s economy, and for too long, we’ve overlooked their value to the economy as a whole, much less to the economy of neighborhoods and communities. 

So, that’s why my plan — and it’s a new approach — is about tax cuts for our small businesses so that they can invest in themselves and grow and, in the process, invest in communities, invest in neighborhoods, and strengthen our economy overall. 

So, those are some examples.  It’s about a new approach, a new generation of leadership based on new ideas and, frankly, different experiences. 

I bring a whole set of different experiences to this job and the way I think about it —

MR. COOPER:  Some — some —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — than — than Joe Biden.

MR. COOPER:  Some voters, though, might ask: You’ve been in the White House for — for four years.  You were vice president, not the president, but why wasn’t any of that done over the last four years?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Well, there was a lot that was done, but there’s more to do, Anderson.  And — and I am pointing out things that need to be done that haven’t been done but need to be done.  And I’m not going to shy away from saying, “Hey, these are still problems that we need to fix.” 

MR. COOPER:  I want you to meet Jaxon Weiss.  He’s a student at Drexel University from Flourtown, Pennsylvania; registered Republican, says he’s leaning toward voting for you, but has yet to make up a final decision. 

     Jaxon.

     Q    Thank you, Anderson.

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Hi, Jaxon.

     Q    Thank you for taking the time to be here, too, Vice President Harris.

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  You too.  Thank you.

     Q    Regarding the rapid increase in the migrant population, how will you ensure that every immigrant is integrated into American society safely?  What benefits and subsidies will you provide them with?  And how long will these benefits and subsidies last for an individual?  Most importantly, will the American citizens’ taxes pay for these benefits and subsidies?  And if so, how much mon- — how much money will be allocated?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Well, thank you, Jaxon.  Let’s start with this.  America’s immigration system is broken, and it needs to be fixed, and it’s been broken for a long time.  And part of what we need to do is always prioritize what we need to do to strengthen our border. 

I will tell you, I’m the only person in this race, among the two choices that voters have — I have personally prosecuted transnational criminal organizations in the trafficking of guns, drugs, and human beings.  I have spent a significant part of my career making sure that our border is secure and that we do not allow criminals in and we don’t allow that kind of trafficking to happen and come into our country. 

And as the — as my opponent has proven himself, he would prefer to run on the problem instead of fix the problem.  You may know, there were some of the most conservative members of the United States Congress, working with others, that came up with a border security bill that would have put 1,500 more border agents at the border.  Those boarder agents are overwhelmed.  They need the support.  They need the backup. 

It would have allowed us to have more resources to stem the flow of fentanyl.  I don’t need to tell this state and people around the country what is happening in terms of the scourge of fentanyl and how it is literally killing Americans. 

It would have put resources into stemming the flow.  It would have given more resources to prosecute — to investigate and prosecute transnational criminal organizations.  It would have done a lot of good. 

Donald Trump got wind of the bill and told them, “Don’t put it forward.”  He killed the bill because he’d prefer to run on a problem instead of fixing a problem. 

We have to have a secure border, and we have to have a comprehensive pathway for citizenship. 

MR. COOPER:  Le- — let me —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  And that includes requiring people — hardworking people to earn citizenship and do it in a comprehensive, humane, and orderly manner. 

MR. COOPER:  Let me ask you about that.  I mean, you talk about the bill that Donald Trump quashed.  That was in 2024.  You talk about the bill he tried to get passed in 2021.  That wasn’t able to get passed.  2022, 2023 —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Sure.

MR. COOPER:  — there were record border crossings.  You — your administration took a number — hundreds of executive actions.  It didn’t stem the flow.  Numbers kept going up. 

Finally, in 2024, just in June, three weeks before the la- — the first presidential debate with Joe Biden, you institute executive actions that had a dramatic impact, really shut down people crossing over.  Why didn’t your administration do that in 2022, 2023?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  First of all, you’re exactly right, Anderson.  And as of today, we have cut the flow of immigration by over half.  In fact, the numbers I saw most recently, illegal immigration is low- —

     MR. COOPER:  But if it was that easy —

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  But hold on.  Let me finish.  Let me —

     MR. COOPER:  — with that executive action, why not do it in —

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Well —

     MR. COOPER:  — 2022, 2023?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — because we were working with Congress and hoping that, actually, we could have a long-term fix to the problem instead of a short-term fix. 

MR. COOPER:  You couldn’t have done one and the — both at the same time? 

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Well, here’s the thing.  We have to understand that ultimately this problem is going to be fixed through congressional action.  Congress has the authority and the purse — I — I hate to use D.C. terms, but, literally, they write the checks. 

Part of the issue is in order to really fix the problem at the border — I was just at the border recently talking with border agents.  You know what they talk about?  Yes, they are overwhelmed.  They’re working around the clock.  And the other thing that they talk to me about: We need more judges down there to deal with asylum claims.  We need more personnel down there to deal with processing.

A- — but, Anderson — and that’s where Congress kicks in, in terms of dedicating the resources to actually fixing the problem. 

We have dealt with it such that, to your point, we now, as of today, as of our — our visit, have lower undocumented immigrants and illegal immigration than Trump when he left office. 

MR. COOPER:  That — that’s true —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  But we need a permanent solution, and that requires —

MR. COOPER:  Do you wish you had done that —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — bipartisan work.

MR. COOPER:  Do you wish you had done those executive orders in 2022, 2023?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  I think we did the right thing, and — but the best thing that can happen for the American people is that we have bipartisan work happening.  And I pledge to you that I will work across the aisle to fix this long-standing problem. 

I think the American people are demanding it —

MR. COOPER:  Yeah.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — on both sides of the aisle, and it’s time we actually put the partisan approach to this aside.  We know what can work.

MR. COOPER:  Well, let’s talk about this compromise bill you — that you want to pass if you are elected.  You said that’s going to be a priority.  It includes $650 million in funding for the border wall.  That’s something Republicans wanted.  That was part of the compromise.

Under Donald Trump, you criticized the wall more than 50 times.  You called it “stupid,” “useless,” and a “medieval vanity project.”  Is a border wall stupid? 

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Well, let’s talk about Donald Trump and that border wall.  (Laughs.)  So, remember Donald Trump said Mexico would pay for it?  Come on.  They didn’t.  How much of that wall did he build?  I think the last number I saw was about 2 percent.  And then, when it came time for him to do a photo op, you know where he did it?  In the part of the wall that President Obama built. 

MR. COOPER:  But you’re agreeing —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  So, come on.  (Laughs.)

MR. COOPER:  — to a bill that would earmark $650 million to continue building that wall.

 THE VICE PRESIDENT:  We — I — I pledge that I’m going to bring forward that bipartisan bill to further strengthen and secure our border.  Yes, I am.

MR. COOPER:  But —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  And I’m going to work across the aisle to pass com- — a comprehensive bill that deals with a broken immigration system. 

I think Jaxon’s question, part of it, was to acknowledge that America has always had migration, but there needs to be a legal process for it.  People have to earn it. 

     MR. COOPER:  Right.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  And that’s the point that, I think, is the most important point that can be made, which is we need a president who is grounded in common sense and practical outcomes.  Like, let’s just fix this thing.  Let’s just fix it.  Why is there any ideological perspective on — let’s just fix the problem. 

MR. COOPER:  To fix the problem, you’re — you’re doing this compromise bill.  It does call for $650 million that was earmarked under Trump to actually still go to build the wall.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  I am not afraid of good ideas where the occur, Anderson.

MR. COOPER:  You do- — so, you don’t think it’s “stupid” anymore? 

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  I think what he did and how he did it did — was — did not make much sense, because he actually didn’t do much of anything.  I just t- — talked about that wall, right?  (Laughs.)  We just talked about it.  He didn’t actually do much of anything.

MR. COOPER:  But you do want to build some wall?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  I want to strengthen our border.

MR. COOPER:  This is Annalise Kean.  She’s from Philadelphia.  She works as a fundraiser for Habitat for Humanity.  She’s registered with no party affiliation.  She says she’s a Democrat.  She’s leaning toward voting for you but said she’s yet to make her final decision, in part because of the conflict in the Middle East. 

     Annalise. 

     Q    Thank you.  And good evening, Madam Vice President.

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Good evening.

     Q    My question is, as president, what would you do to ensure not another Palestinian dies due to bombs being funded by U.S. tax dollars?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  So, I will say — and I think this is to your point — far too many innocent Palestinian civilians have been killed.  It’s unconscionable.  And we are now at a place where, with Sinwar’s death, I do believe we have an opportunity to end this war, bring the hostages home, bring relief to the Palestinian people, and work toward a two-state solution where Israel and the Palestinians in equal measure have security, where the Palestinian people have dignity, self-determination, and the safety they — that they so rightly deserve. 

MR. COOPER:  What — what do you say to voters who are thinking about supporting a third-party candidate or staying on the couch, not voting at all because of this issue?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Listen, I am not going to deny the strong feelings that people have.  I don’t know that anyone who has seen the images who would not have strong feelings about what has happened, much less those who have relatives who have died and been killed.  And I — and I know people and have talked with people, so I appreciate that. 

But I also do know that, for many people who care about this issue, they also care about bringing down the price of groceries.  They also care about our democracy and not having a president of the United States who admires dictators and is a fascist. 

They also care about the fact that we need practical, commonsense solutions from a leader who is willing to work across the aisle on behalf of the American people and not themselves.

P- — they want a president who cares about a fundamental freedom to make decisions about your own body, understanding that we’re not trying to change anyone’s belief, but let’s not have the government telling women what to do with their body. 

MR. COOPER:  I want you to meet Beth Samberg.  She’s a realtor, a mom of four from Bala Cynwyd, Pennsylvania.  She’s a registered Democrat.  Says she’s undecided because of concerns about antisemitism. 

     Beth.

     Q    Hi.  Thank you for being here.

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, Beth. 

     Q    Thank you for remembering we need to bring the hostages home. 
    
     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Of course.

     Q    The rise of antisemitism and violence from — the rise of antisemitism and violence from antisemitism has risen greatly on college campuses and on our city streets in the last year.  How would you combat this growing trend and protect our young adults?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, Beth.  You are right, and I will say that we have seen a rise in antisemitism.  It is something that we have to be honest about and we have to deal with. 

As attorney general, I actually published a hate crimes report on a regular basis, and antisemitism was among the highest forms of hate in our country.  And this was before October 7, and we know what we’ve seen since.

Part of what we’ve got to do is talk with people so that they understand what are the tropes, what are the — the roots of — of what we are seeing so that we can actually have people be more understanding. 

 We need to have laws in place that make those who would commit crimes on behalf of antisemitism and hate — that they pay a serious consequence. 

 We need to have the deterrent so that doesn’t happen.  We need to ensure that college students are safe in their school and feel safe to be able to go to class.

But I’m going to tell you what doesn’t help.  Again, I invite you to listen and — go online to listen to John Kelly, the former chief of staff of Donald Trump, who has told us Donald Trump said, “Why” — essentially, “Why aren’t my generals like those of Hitler’s?”  Like Hitler.  Who has referred several times — we’ve heard the reports for years.

MR. COOPER:  Do you believe Donald Trump is antisemitic?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  I believe Donald Trump is a danger to the well-being and security of America.

MR. COOPER:  He has said that he — he’s casting himself as a protector of Israel.  Do you believe you would be more pro-Israel than Donald Trump?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  I believe that Donald Trump is dangerous.  I believe that when you have a president of the United States who has said to his generals who work for him, because he is commander in chief — these conversations, I assume, many of them took place in the Oval Office — and if the president of the United States, the commander in chief, is saying to his generals, in essence, “Why can’t you be more like Hitler’s generals” — Anderson, come on.  This is a serious, serious issue.

And we know who he is.  He admires dictators, sending love letters back and forth with Kim Jong Un; talks about the president of Russia.  And then, most recently, the reports are that in the height of COVID, when most Americans could not get their hands on a COVID test — Americans were dying by the hundreds a day — he secretly sent COVID tests to the president of Russia for his personal use.

So, again, there — thi- — this election in 13 days is presenting the American people with a very significant decision.  And on the one side, on this issue of who is going to model what it means to use the bully pulpit of the president of the United States in a manner that in tone, word, and deed is about lifting up our discourse, fighting against hate, as opposed to fanning the flames of hate, which Donald Trump does consistently — I — I’m going to tell you, we are an incredible country, and we love our country.  You all wouldn’t be here unless we love our country.  And there are certain things where we’ve just got to come together and realize that — that we do believe in the importance of healthy debate on real issues, but there are certain standards we’ve got to have.

And, you know, another point that even John Kelly talked about, I — I believe, and many have, is January 6th, where you have the president of the United States defying the will of the people in a free and fair election and unleashing a violent mob who attacked the United States Capitol.  A hundred and forty law enforcement officers were attacked; some were killed. 

And so, I say that to say: The American people deserve to have a president who encourages healthy debate; works across the aisle; not afraid of good ideas, wherever they come from; but also maintains certain standards about how we think about the role and the responsibility; and certainly not comparing oneself, in a clearly admiring way, to Hitler.

MR. COOPER:  We’re going to take a — a quick break.  We’ll have more from the CNN Presidential Town Hall with Vice President Kamala Harris.

(Commercial break.)

And we are back with Vice President Kamala Harris. 

I want to ask you about something I read.  I read that the fir- — one of the first phone calls you made after President Biden announced that he was dropping out was to your pastor.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yes.

MR. COOPER:  And I’m wondering, if it wasn’t a confessional, if you could say what that conversation was like.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Well, my pastor, Reverend Dr. Amos C. Brown of Third Baptist Church —

It was — it was an extraordinary day, that Sunday, when the president called me.  And I — I instinctively understood the gravity of the moment, the seriousness of the moment.  I didn’t predict or know exactly how that day would play out.  And obviously, now it’s been three months since I’ve been at the top of the ticket — actually, three months as of yesterday.

But I just called him.  I — I needed that spiritual kind of connection.  I needed that advice.  I needed a prayer.  And — and there’s a — there’s a part of the scripture that talks about Esther and “a time such as this.”  And — and that’s what we talked about, and it was very comforting for me.  And — and —

MR. COOPER:  Do you pray every day?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  I do pray every day.  I do pray every day, sometimes twice a day.

I — you know, my — I grew up — so, we grew up — a little neighborhood church in Oakland, 23rd Avenue Church of God.  And I was raised to believe in a loving God, to believe that your faith is a verb, you know?  You — you live your faith, and — and that — that the way that one should do that is that your work and your life’s work should be to think about how you can serve in a way that is uplifting other people, that is about caring for other people.  And that guides a lot of how I think about my work and — and what is important.

MR. COOPER:  Let’s go to the voters.  I want you to meet Joe Donahue from Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Hi, Joe.

MR. COOPER:  He works in customer service for a local retailer.  He serves as a local election official.  He’s a registered Republican who says he’s undecided, doesn’t agree with your stance on abortion, but he is concerned about what he calls Trump’s demeanor and actions on January 6th.

Joe.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Hi, Joe.

Q    Thank you, Madam Vice President.  And thank you, Anderson. 

Madam Vice President, everybody — as human beings, we are not perfect.  We have our flaws.  We make mistakes.  We have our weaknesses.  And the office of the presidency can sometimes bring those weaknesses out in ways that the incumbent may not expect. 

What weaknesses do you bring to the table, and how do you plan to overcome them while you’re in office?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  That’s a great question, Joe.  Well, I am certainly not perfect — (laughs) — so let’s start there. 

And I think that — I — perhaps a weakness, some would say, but I actually think it’s a strength, is I really do value having a team of very smart people around me who bring to my de- — decision-making process different perspectives.  I — my team will tell you, I am constantly saying, “Let’s hi- — kick the tire on that.  Let’s kick the tires on it.” 

Because, I — listen, I — as I mentioned earlier, I started my career as a prosecutor.  I was a courtroom prosecutor.  I’ve tried everything from low-level offenses to homicides, and I learned at a very early stage of my career and adult life that my actions have a direct impact on real people in a very fundamental way. 

When I was attorney general of California, I was attorney general of the — what is the fifth largest economy in the world and acutely aware that my words could move markets.

So, I take my role and responsibility as an elected leader very seriously, and I know the impact it has on so many people I may never meet.  And that is why I engage and bring folks around. 

So, I may not be quick to have the answer as soon as you ask it about a specific policy issue sometimes, because I’m going to want to research it.  I’m going to want to study it.  I’m kind of a nerd sometimes — (laughs) — I confess.  And some might call that a weakness, especially if you’re, you know, in an interview or just kind of, you know —

MR. COOPER:  L- — let me a- —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — being asked a certain question, and you’re expected to have the right answer right away.  But that’s how I — that’s how I work. 

MR. COOPER:  I- — you — we — I don’t think I’ve ever heard the former president admit a mistake.  A lot of politicians don’t.  Is there something you can point to in your life, political life or in your life in the last four years, that you think is a mistake that you have learned from?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  I mean, I — I’ve made many mistakes, and they range from — you know, if you’ve ever parented a child, you know you make lots of mistakes too.  (Laughs.)

In my role as vice president, I mean, I’ve probably worked very hard at making sure that I am well-versed on issues, and I think that is very important.  It’s a mistake not to be well-versed on an issue and feel compelled to answer a question.  

MR. COOPER.  I want you to meet Pam Thistle.  She’s from Wyndmoor, Pennsylvania.  She’s a realtor.  She’s a widow.  Her husband, Mike, died just a year ago. 

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Oh, I’m sorry.

MR. COOPER:  She has two daughters in college.  She registered with no party affiliation and says she’s undecided.  She has concerns about how you would handle the economy.

Pam.

Q    Thank you.  And thank you, Anderson.  And happy belated birthday too.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  Thank you very much.

Q    I really —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  And I’m sorry for your loss.  I’m sorry.

Q    Oh, thank you.  Yes.  And I’m really appreciative for you to be here and get to know you.

When you talk about rich people paying their fair share, can you be more specific?  Income taxes are already on a graduated scale, where the more you make, the higher percentage you pay in taxes.  So, the rich are paying a disproportionate amount in taxes as it is.  Over 40 percent of Americans don’t pay any income taxes.  Also, the really high earners may move their money offshore if there are disinte- — disincentives in the U.S.  This could impact the economy. 

I would like to hear more nuts and bolts about your economic plans. 

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Sure.  Thank you, Pam.

So, first of all, it is the case in the United States of America that billionaires, on average, pay less taxes as a percentage —

Q    Yeah.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — than teachers and firefighters and nurses. 

Q    Yeah.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  And that —

Q    I’m talking about hard workers like — like pound the street, have some success.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  I’m — yes.  No, no, no, I understand. 

Q    Yes.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  But I want to just — let’s set the — let —

Q    Not the really high.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Let’s set the scene, right?

Q    Yeah.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  So, when I say that the — the richest among us need to pay their fair share —

Q    Okay.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — I am referencing that, and I — I need to reference that because, sadly, Donald Trump, when he was president, gave tax cuts to the richest, to billionaires and big corporations, which added trillions of dollars to our deficit.  So, that, sadly, needs to be said in a way that should be obvious, to your point, but is not, given what he did.

Now, in terms of what we need to do to bring down taxes, I have pledged and have a plan for a middle-class tax cut that would affect 100 million Americans, including, for example, what we will do around small businesses in terms of tax deductions, in terms of what small businesses are now being mired in, in terms of a bureaucracy around they have to fill out and do their taxes in a way that actually holds them back. 

Part of my plan includes extending a middle-class tax cut that would include a $6,000 tax cut, essentially a child tax credit, for parents — and young parents, in particular — knowing that the vast majority of our parents have a natural desire to parent their children well but not always the resources.  So, this is going to include an extra amount of, just, money that people can use to pay for childcare, which is far too expensive for too many working pa- — families. 

And part of the issue here is this.  We cannot, and I will not, raise taxes on anyone making less than $400,000 a year.

MR. COOPER:  Yeah.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  But we do need to take seriously the system that benefits the richest and does not help out working, middle-class Americans. 

I come from the middle class, and I believe that the middle class needs tax breaks to be able to actually not just get by but get ahead. 

MR. COOPER:  So, you’re saying — what — what you’re saying is anyone under $400,000 won’t have taxes raised.  Are you saying that anyone above $400,000 will have a tax raise?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  I’m saying that there is going to be a parity around what the richest people pay in terms of their taxes.  Right now, Anderson, you know the document — the — it is well-documented that some of the richest people in our country have gotten away with a zero-tax rate. 

MR. COOPER:  But if you earning $500-, $600-, $700,000, under your plan, there’s a good chance your taxes will go up?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  I- — this — we can’t have this conversation without knowing what thi- — it’s a very complicated situation, right?  If you’re talking about a small-business owner, I’m going to bring down — cut taxes for small businesses — right? — because I know that they need the overhead — the money that they need for overhead to actually benefit the growth of their business, which benefits our economy as a whole. 

MR. COOPER:  Let’s go to — actually, you know, I want to reference something that — that — about Pam.  Pam, w- — mentioned her husband, Steve, died a year ago.  You — you’ve talked about your mom, Shyamala Harris, who died 15 years ago.  What has grief been like for you?  Do you still grieve?

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yeah, you don’t stop grieving.  You don’t stop grieving. 

     I mean, the — I — I think that there is — you know, there are, like, two sides to a coin when you have lost somebody you love.  And — or that two sides to a coin, that phrase becomes evident, which is, if you have had the blessing of a close and — and important relationship with someone, then when you ha- — that the other side of the coin is that when you lose them, the grief becomes even deeper.

     But I also believe that, for example, anyone who has lost a family member through cancer or an illness — my mother died from cancer.  It is important to try and remember them as they lived and not as they died, because the grief can really weigh you down. 

     I think the brain has a way of, when you’re grieving, really spiraling down, and it’s important, I think, to try and remember those you have lost in a way they’d want to be remembered, as being vibrant.

     And — and I think it’s important to just — to — to grieve as one does.  I don’t think there’s any correct or proper way to grieve.  And the most important thing is, I think, that people do not suppress what they’re feeling at any moment, and the rest of us should give them grace to — to go through it as — as they will.

     MR. COOPER:  We’re going to take a — a short break.  We’ll be right back with more from the CNN Presidential Town Hall with Vice President Kamala Harris.

     (Commercial break.)

     And we are back with Vice President Kamala Harris.  I want you to meet Rob MacPherson.  He’s the chief marketing officer for a local organization.  He’s registered Republican, from Media, Pennsylvania, who told us he’s leaning towards voting for you but has concerns about what he calls “shifts” in your policy positions. 

     Rob.

     Q    Thank you.  Thank you for being here, Vice President Harris.  So, welcome to Delco.

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  (Laughter.)  Thank you.

     Q    Here in Delco, we — we pride ourselves on being authentic —

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yeah.

     Q    — and much of what we have se- — been say- — have seen much of what you’ve been saying with regard to issues like law and order and fracking reflect a more centrist view than what people are used to hearing from Kamala Harris, leaving some voters to wonder about the authenticity of your current more moderate positions.  Can you talk a little bit about how your positions have shifted and why?

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Sure.  And thank you. 

     So, first of all, on fracking.  I’ve been very clear.  We kind of dispensed with this in 2020.  I am not going to ban fracking.  I did not as vice president.  In fact, as vice president, I cast the tiebreaking vote that now has opened up more fracking leases. 

     My value on the issue of what we need to do to invest in a clean energy economy and a clean energy future has not changed.  But frankly, I now have the experience and perspective of having been vice president for almost four years.  I’ve traveled the country.  I know that we can invest in a clean energy economy and still not ban fracking and still work toward what we need to do to create more jobs and create U.S.-based jobs in a way that will be globally competitive.

     On the issue of law and order, as you mentioned, I think there’s just a whole lot of misinformation, to be honest with you.  I have personally prosecuted very serious crime.  It’s how I started my career.  I spent most of my career as a prosecutor, not in Washington, D.C.

     And as my first priority had — and — and remains as a first priority to me — the safety of the American people.  So, that has not changed.  And sadly, I think that there is a bit of misinformation, if not more than a bit, but I’m glad that you raised the subject so that I can address it.

     MR. COOPER:  You — but — but —

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  But I — but — but — just if you don’t mind —

     MR. COOPER:  Sure.

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  — just let me just finish — I — because I think the — the spirit of your question is really important, and I’m glad you raised it.

     Our country deserves to have a president of the United States who is not afraid of good ideas and does not stand on pride if a perspective needs to be informed by different points of view to build consensus and to have a commonsense approach.

     I’m never going to shy away from good ideas, and I’m not going to feel the need to have pride associated with a position that I’ve taken when the important thing is to build consensus to fix problems.  I believe in fixing problems.  I love fixing problems. 

     And so, I pledge to you to be a president who not only works for all Americans but works on getting stuff done. And that means compromise.  And it doesn’t mean compromising your values or your principles, but it does mean working to get stuff done.

     MR. COOPER:  But —

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  And I pledge to you I will do that.

     MR. COOPER:  Just to be clear, though, what he’s referring to — and you point out, too, when you were running for vice president in 2020, you were not talking about banning fracking.  But —

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  No, no.  No, Anderson, I — I pledged that I would not ban fracking.

     MR. COOPER:  Right, I know.  You said —

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yeah.

     MR. COOPER:  — you would not ban fracking.

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Correct.

     MR. COOPER:  You know, you had said in a 2019 town hall, “There’s no question, I’m in favor of banning fracking.”  In 2017, you talked about Medicare for All.  You talked about — in 2019, you raised a hand in a debate about if bor- — border crossings should be decriminalized. 

     Are all of those issues — which those are not your positions now — are all those issues that you’re saying, through consensus and getting stuff done, you have evolved on?

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Well, no, let’s take, for example, the issue of Medicare.  My point has always been that access to health care should not just be a privilege of those who can afford it.  It should be a right for all people. 

     So, that is why I have worked on doing what we have done to, one, allow Medicare to negotiate against the big pharmaceutical companies to bring down the cost of prescription medication.  We’ve a- — we’ve achieved that in terms of capping the cost of insulin for seniors at $35 a month, capping the cost of — of annual prescriptions at $2,000 a year for seniors.

     But my plan moving forward, based on that very principle that I’ve always had, is, as president, to have that cap be for everyone and not just for our seniors. 

     The work that I have done that has been about recognizing the importance of dealing with border security — that has never changed.  As I said, I have prosecuted transnational criminal organizations.  That I did for years before I ever ran in 2019.

     MR. COOPER:  I mean, you did raise your hand saying in a debate when asked if border crossing should be decriminalized. But obviously, that is not your — your position.

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  I — I never intended, nor do I — will I ever allow America to have a border that is not secure.  I believe we need to deal with illegal immigration.  There needs to be consequences, which is why part of my plan that I have outlined — and again, please go to KamalaHarris.com; sorry to throw a website on you, but why not? — and you will see that part of my plan includes what we need to do to actually do more as it relates to putting resources in, including increasing penalties for illegal crossings.

     MR. COOPER:  And just finally, on fracking.  You said you’re clear: You would not ban it as president.  Yo- —

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  No, I would not ban it as president.

     MR. COOPER:  Right.  You’re — I know — you’re clear on that.  Do you think it is bad for the environment though?

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  I think that we have proven that we can invest in a clean energy economy.  We can mitigate greenhouse gas emissions.  We can work on a — and sustaining what we need to do to protect this beautiful earth of ours and not ban fracking.

     MR. COOPER:  Time is short, so I want to get some more voters in. 

     Taneisha Spall from Lansdowne, Pennsylvania.  She works as an education administration manager for the Pennsylvania Department of Corrections.  Registered Democrat who says she’s leaning towards supporting you.  Has yet to make her final decision. 

     Taneisha, welcome.

     Q    Thank you, Anderson.  Thank you, Madam Vice President —

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.

     Q    — for joining us this evening.

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Of course.

     Q    I appreciate that you did acknowledge that we are a country that is faced with problems and issues.  With the Supreme Court being plagued with issues, would you be in favor of expanding the court to, say, 12 so each justice has only one circuit court other than chief justice to assist in making judgments more balanced?

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Well, to your point, I — there is no question that the American people increasingly are losing confidence in the Supreme Court, and in large part because of the behavior of certain members of that court and because of certain rulings, including the Dobbs decision and taking away a precedent that had been in place for 50 years, protecting a woman’s right to make decisions about her own body.

     So, I do believe that there should be some kind of reform of the court, and we can study what that actually looks like. 

     But I do believe — but, again, let’s just — while you raise the point of the court, understand that, again, in 13 days, the American people will decide who is the next president of the United States.  In 13 days, you will decide who is sitting in the Oval Office on January 20th.

     And on one hand, you have in Donald Trump someone who has increasingly proved himself to be unstable and who — as we have established and the people close to him have established, he is unfit to serve.  Somebody who, on January 20th, you can be sure will spend full time, like we know — and we’ve seen the image mentally of him sitting in the dining room off of the Oval Office, watching for hours as people violently attack the Capitol.  You can be sure, because he has said he would weaponize the Department of Justice to go after his political enemies, that you can look at a Donald Trump in the White House after January 20th, sitting in that Oval Office, plotting his revenge. 

     He has talked about “the enemies within.”  We haven’t even raised that subject, Anderson.  “The enemies within” — he’s talking about the American people.  He’s talking about journalists, judges, nonpartisan election officials.

     He has talked about, as John Kelly has talked about, can he send the military after peaceful protesters.  And he’s going to sit there, unstable, unhinged, plotting his revenge, plotting his retribution, creating an enemies list.

     I’m going to tell you: My list will be a list of how I address and continue to address the issues that you all are raising this afternoon and evening.  It will be a to-do list about how we can impact the American people and lift up the American people and address some of the challenges that we continue to face.

     MR. COOPER:  I want to get one last questioner in.  This is Elkan Pleat.  He is a student at Temple University, registered Democrat, leaning towards voting for you, has yet to make up his final decision. 

     Elkan.

     Q    Hi.  First of all, go Birds.  (Laughter.)  And hi from — I’m from Danville, California.

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Aww.  Hi, Elkan.

     Q    But my question is: What is the proudest moment of your political career thus far, including when you were the AG?

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Oh, that’s a great one.  I’ve actually had a few.  One of them is I, as attorney general of California, created what I named the Bureau of Children’s Justice, fa- — and you may be familiar with that as a Californian.  And it was f- — it was because I believe that, frankly, we still have a lot to do in terms of policy that impacts children and an investment in the children of our country is an investment in all of us and our future.

     And that work has actually produced significant results. That has been a proud moment for me. 

     It was a proud moment for me to — to do the work that we’ve been doing that has addressed issues like maternal mortality.  I mean, it’s in response to an incredible tragedy, but lifting up that issue in a way that we agree that America should not have one of the highest maternal mortality rates in the world.

     So, I have had the good fortune of, in my life as a public servant, knowing the impact that we can have.  And I guess that is probably what motivates me most, because I know we can make a difference.  I really do.

     And I do believe that the American people deserve a president who is going to be hardworking.  And, you know, we’ll make mistakes from time to time, but it’s focused on you.  And I think that is so fundamental in this election.  So fundamental.

     You deserve a president — I believe the American people deserve a president who is saying, “Look, let’s just be practical.”  Let’s get things done.  And let’s not be afraid of having a little joy — (laughs) — to the point of, you know, what gives you — what makes you feel good about your work.  Let’s — let’s do it in a way that is grounded in optimism.

     You know, the thing that I think we all know about who we are as the American people, we are people who are ambitious.  We have aspirations.  We have dreams.  We are inherently optimistic — inherently optimistic.

     And I — I think people are exhausted with the idea that we’re just going to be divided and angry instead of working on the problems and working together.  And that’s what motivates me, and that’s what makes me proud when we’re able to do that.  So —

     MR. COOPER:  Vice President Kamala Harris, thank you very much. 

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.

     MR. COOPER:  Appreciate it.

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, Anderson.  (Applause.)  Thank you.

     MR. COOPER:  And thanks for watching.  Thanks to all the voters here.  Be sure to join CNN on November 5th for election night in America, right here on CNN. 

     Jake Tapper and Erin Burnett pick it up right now.  (Applause.)

                              END                    10:10 P.M. EDT           

The post Remarks by Vice President Harris at a CNN Town Hall | Chester Township, PA appeared first on The White House.

Brookings Institution
Washington, D.C.

Good morning, everyone.  And thank you so much, David, for that introduction and for having me here today.  It’s great to be back at Brookings.

As many of you know, I was here last year to lay out President Biden’s vision for renewing American economic leadership, a vision that responded to several converging challenges our country faced: the return of intense geopolitical competition; a rise in inequality and a squeeze on the middle class; a less vibrant American industrial base; an accelerating climate crisis; vulnerable supply chains; and rapid technological change.

For the preceding three decades, the U.S. economy had enjoyed stronger topline aggregate growth than other advanced democracies, and had generated genuine innovation and technological progress, but our economic policies had not been adapted to deal effectively with these challenges.  That’s why President Biden implemented a modern industrial strategy, one premised on investing at home in ourselves and our national strength, and on shifting the energies of U.S. foreign policy to help our partners around the world do the same.

In practice, that’s meant mobilizing public investment to unlock private sector investment to deliver on big challenges like the clean energy transition and artificial intelligence, revitalizing our capacity to innovate and to build, creating diversified and resilient global supply chains, setting high standards for everything from labor to the environment to technology.  Because on that level playing field, our logic goes, America can compete and win.  Preserving open markets and also protecting our national security and doing all of these things together with allies and partners.

Since I laid this vision out in my speech at Brookings last year, I’ve listened with great interest to many thoughtful responses, because these are early days.  Meaningful shifts in policy require constant iteration and reflection.  That’s what will make our policy stronger and more sustainable. 

So, today, I’m glad to be back here at Brookings to reengage in this conversation, because I really believe that the ideas I’m here to discuss and the policies that flow from them are among the most consequential elements of the administration’s foreign as well as domestic policy, and I believe they will constitute an important legacy of Joe Biden’s presidency. 

I want to start by reflecting on some of the questions I’ve heard and then propose a few ways to consolidate our progress.

One overarching question is at the core of many others: Does our new approach mean that we’re walking away from a positive-sum view of the world, that America is just in it for itself at the expense of everyone else? 

In a word, no, it doesn’t.  In fact, we’re returning to a tradition that made American international leadership such a durable force, what Alexis de Tocqueville called “interest rightly understood.”  The notion that it’s in our own self-interest to strengthen our partners and sustain a fair economic system that helps all of us prosper.

After World War Two, we built an international economic order in the context of a divided world, an order that helped free nations recover and avoid a return to the protectionist and nationalist mistakes of the 1930s, an order that also advanced American economic and geopolitical power.

In the 1990s, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, we took that order global, embracing the old Eastern bloc, China, India, and many developing countries.  Suddenly, the major powers were no longer adversaries or competitors.  Capital flowed freely across borders.  Global supply chains became “just in time,” without anyone contemplating potential strategic risk.

Each of these approaches was positive-sum, and each reflected the world as it was.

Now, the world of the 1990s is over, and it’s not coming back, and it’s not a coherent plan or critique just to wish it so.

We’re seeing the return of great power competition.  But unlike the Cold War era, our economies are closely intertwined.  We’re on the verge of revolutionary technological change with AI, with economic and geopolitical implications.  The pandemic laid bare the fragilities in global supply chains that have been growing for decades.  The climate crisis grows more urgent with every hurricane and heat wave. 

So we need to articulate, once again, de Tocqueville’s notion of interest rightly understood.  To us, that means pursuing a strategy that is fundamentally positive-sum, calibrated to the geopolitical realities of today and rooted in what is good for America — for American workers, American communities, American businesses, and American national security and economic strength.

We continue to believe deeply in the mutual benefits of international trade and investment, enhanced and enabled by bold public investment in key sectors; bounded in rare but essential cases by principled controls on key national security technologies; protected against harmful non-market practices, labor and environment abuses, and economic coercion; and critically coordinated with a broad range of partners. 

The challenges we face are not uniquely our own and nor can we solve them alone.  We want and need our partners to join us.  And given the demand signal we hear back from them, we think that in the next decade, American leadership will be measured by our ability to help our partners pull off similar approaches and build alignment and complementarity across our policies and our investments. 

If we get that right, we can show that international economic integration is compatible with democracy and national sovereignty.  And that is how we get out of Dani Rodrik’s trilemma.

Now, what does that mean in practice?  What does this kind of positive-sum approach mean for trade policy?  Are we walking away from trade as a core pillar of international economic policy? 

U.S. exports and imports have recovered from their dip during the pandemic, with the real value of U.S. trade well above 2019 levels in each of the last two years.  We’re also the largest outbound source of FDI in the world. 

So, we are not walking away from international trade and investment.  What we are doing is moving away from specific policies that, frankly, didn’t contemplate the urgent challenges we face: The climate crisis.  Vulnerable, concentrated, critical mineral and semiconductor supply chains.  Persistent attacks on workers’ rights.  And not just more global competition, but more competition with a country that uses pervasive non-market policies and practices to distort and dominate global markets. 

Ignoring or downplaying these realities will not help us chart a viable path forward.  Our approach to trade responds to these challenges. 

Climate is a good example.  American manufacturers are global leaders in clean steel production, yet they’ve had to compete against companies that produce steel more cheaply but with higher emissions intensity.  That’s why, earlier this year, the White House stood up a Climate and Trade Task Force, and the task force has been developing the right tools to promote decarbonization and ensure our workers and businesses engaged in cleaner production aren’t disadvantaged by firms overseas engaged in dirtier, exploitative production.

Critical minerals are another example.  That sector is marked by extreme price volatility, widespread corruption, weak labor and environmental protections, and heavy concentration in the PRC, which artificially drops prices to keep competitors out of the marketplace. 

If we and our partners fail to invest, the PRC’s domination of these and other supply chains will only grow, and that will leave us increasingly dependent on a country that has demonstrated its willingness to weaponize such dependencies.  We can’t accept that, and neither can our partners. 

That’s why we are working with them to create a high-standard, critical minerals marketplace, one that diversifies our supply chains, creates a level playing field for our producers, and promotes strong workers’ rights and environmental protections.  And we’re driving towards tangible progress on that idea in just the next few weeks.

In multiple sectors that are important to our future, not just critical minerals, but solar cells, lithium-ion batteries, electric vehicles, we see a broad pattern emerging.  The PRC is producing far more than domestic demand, dumping excess onto global markets at artificially low prices, driving manufacturers around the world out of business, and creating a chokehold on supply chains.

To prevent a second China shock, we’ve had to act. 

That’s what drove the decisions about our 301 tariffs earlier this year.

Now, we know that indiscriminate, broad-based tariffs will harm workers, consumers, and businesses, both in the United States and our partners.  The evidence on that is clear.  That’s why we chose, instead, to target tariffs at unfair practices in strategic sectors where we and our allies are investing hundreds of billions of dollars to rebuild our manufacturing and our resilience. 

And crucially, we’re seeing partners in both advanced and emerging economies reach similar conclusions regarding overcapacity and take similar steps to ward off damage to their own industries, from the EU to Canada to Brazil to Thailand to Mexico to Türkiye and beyond.  That’s a big deal.

And it brings me back to my earlier point: We’re pursuing this new trade approach in concert with our partners.  They also recognize we need modern trade tools to achieve our objectives.  That means considering sector-specific trade agreements.  It means creating markets based on standards when that’s more effective.  And it also means revitalizing international institutions to address today’s challenges, including genuinely reforming the WTO to deal with the challenges I’ve outlined. 

And it means thinking more comprehensively about our economic partnerships.  That’s why we created the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework and the Americas Partnership for Economic Prosperity.  That’s why we also gave them such catchy names. 

Within IPEF, we finalized three agreements with 13 partners to accelerate the clean energy transition, to promote high labor standards, to fight corruption, and to shore up supply chain vulnerabilities before they become widespread disruptions.  And within APEP, we’re working to make the Western Hemisphere a globally competitive supply chain hub for semiconductors, clean energy, and more. 

And that leads to the next question I’ve often been asked in the last year and a half: Where does domestic investment fit into all of this?  How does our positive-sum approach square with our modern industrial strategy?

The truth is that smart, targeted government investment has always been a crucial part of the American formula.  It’s essential to catalyzing private investment and growth in sectors where market failures or other barriers would lead to under-investment.

Somehow, we forgot that along the way, or at least we stopped talking about it.  But there was no plausible version of answers on decarbonization or supply chain resilience without recovering this tradition.  And so we have.

We’ve made the largest investment ever to diversify and accelerate clean energy deployment through the Inflation Reduction Act.  And investments are generating hundreds of billions of dollars in private investment all across the country; rapid growth in emerging climate technologies like sustainable aviation fuels, carbon management, clean hydrogen, with investments increasing 6- to 15-fold from pre-IRA levels. 

This will help us meet our climate commitments.  This will advance our national security.  And this will ensure that American workers and communities can seize the vast economic opportunities of the clean energy transition and that those opportunities are broadly shared.  And that last part is crucial. 

The fact is that many communities hard hit in decades past still haven’t bounced back, and the two-thirds of American adults who don’t have college degrees have seen unacceptably poor outcomes in terms of real wages, health, and other outcomes over the last four decades.

For many years, people assumed that these distributional issues would be solved after the fact by domestic policies.  That has not worked. 

Advancing fairness, creating high-quality jobs, and revitalizing American communities can’t be an afterthought, which is why we’ve made them central to our approach. 

In fact, as a result of the incentives in the IRA to build in traditional energy communities, investment in those communities has doubled under President Joe Biden.

Now, initially, when we rolled this all out, our foreign partners worried that it was designed to undercut them, that we were attempting to shift all the clean energy investment and production around the world to the United States.

But that wasn’t the case, and it isn’t the case. 

We know that our partners need to invest.  In fact, we want them to invest.  The whole world benefits from the spillover effects of advances in clean energy that these investments bring. 

And we are nowhere near the saturation point of investment required to meet our clean energy deployment goals, nor will markets alone generate the resources necessary either. 

So, we’ve encouraged our partners to invest in their own industrial strength.  We’ve steered U.S. foreign policy towards being a more helpful partner in this endeavor.  And our partners have begun to join us.  Look at Japan’s green transformation policy, India’s production-linked incentives, Canada’s clean energy tax credit, the European Union’s Green Deal.

As more and more countries adopt this approach, we will continue to build out the cooperative mechanisms that we know will be necessary to ensure that we’re acting together to scale up total global investment, not competing with each other over where a fixed set of investments is located.

The same goes for investing in our high-tech manufacturing strength.  We believe that a nation that loses the capacity to build, risks losing the capacity to innovate.  So, we’re building again.

As a result of the CHIPS and Science Act, America is on track to have five leading-edge logic and memory chip manufacturers operating at scale.  No other economy has more than two.  And we’re continuing to nurture American leadership in artificial intelligence, including through actions we’re finalizing, as I speak, to ensure that the physical infrastructure needed to train the next generation of AI models is built right here in the United States. 

But all of this high-tech investment and development hasn’t come at the expense of our partners.  We’ve done it alongside them. 

We’re leveraging CHIPS Act funding to make complementary investments in the full semiconductor supply chain, from Costa Rica to Vietnam. 

We’re building a network of AI safety institutes around the world, from Canada to Singapore to Japan, to harness the power of AI responsibly. 

And we’ve launched a new Quantum Development Group to deepen cooperation in a field that will be pivotal in the decades ahead.

Simply put, we’re thinking about how to manage this in concert with our allies and partners, and that will make all of us more competitive.

Now, all this leads to another question that is frequently asked:  What about your technology protection policies?  How does that fit into a positive-sum approach?

The United States and our allies and partners have long limited the export of dual-use technologies.  This is logical and uncontroversial.  It doesn’t make sense to allow companies to sell advanced technology to countries that could use them to gain military advantage over the United States and our friends. 

Now, it would be a mistake to attempt to return to the Cold War paradigm of almost no trade, including technological trade, among geopolitical rivals.  But as I’ve noted, we’re in a fundamentally different geopolitical context, so we’ve got to meet somewhere in the middle. 

That means being targeted in what we restrict, controlling only the most sensitive technologies that will define national security and strategic competition.  This is part of what we mean when we say: de-risking, not decoupling.

To strike the right balance, to ensure we’re not imposing controls in an arbitrary or reflexive manner, we have a framework that informs our decision-making.  We ask ourselves at least four questions:

One, which sensitive technologies are or will likely become foundational to U.S. national security? 

Two, across those sensitive technologies, where do we have distinct advantages and are likely to see maximal effort by our competitors to close the gap?  Conversely, where are we behind and, therefore, most vulnerable to coercion?

Three, to what extent do our competitors have immediate substitutes for U.S.-sensitive technology, either through indigenous development or from third countries, that would undercut the controls?

Four, what is the breadth and depth of the coalition we could plausibly build and sustain around a given control?

When it comes to a narrow set of sensitive technologies, yes, the fence is high, as it should be. 

And in the context of broader commerce, the yard is small, and we’re not looking to expand it needlessly.

Now, beyond the realm of export controls and investment screening, we will also take action to protect sensitive data and our critical infrastructure, such as our recent action on connected vehicles from countries of concern.

I suspect almost no one here would argue that we should build out our telecommunications architecture or our data center infrastructure with Huawei. 

Millions of cars on the road with technology from the PRC, getting daily software updates from the PRC, sending reams of information back to the PRC, similarly doesn’t make sense, especially when we’ve already seen evidence of a PRC cyber threat to our critical infrastructure.

We have to anticipate systemic cyber and data risks in ways that, frankly, we didn’t in the past, including what that means for the future Internet of Things, and we have to take the thoughtful, targeted steps necessary in response.

This leads to a final, kind of fundamental question: Does this approach reflect some kind of pessimism about the United States and our inherent interests? 

Quite the contrary.  It reflects an abiding and ambitious optimism.  We believe deeply that we can act smartly and boldly, that we can compete and win, that we can meet the great challenges of our time, and that we can deliver for all of our people here in the United States. 

And while it’s still very early, we have some evidence of that.  This includes the strongest post-pandemic recovery of any advanced economy in the world.  There’s more work to do, but inflation has come down.  And contrary to the predictions that the PRC would overtake the U.S. in GDP either in this decade or the next, since President Biden took office, the United States has more than doubled our lead.  And last year, the United States attracted more than five times more inbound foreign direct investment than the next highest country. 

We are once again demonstrating our capacity for resilience and reinvention, and others are noticing.  The EU’s Draghi report, published last month, mirrors key aspects of our strategy. 

Now, as we continue to implement this vision, we will need to stay rigorous.  We will need, for example, to be bold enough to make the needed investments without veering into unproductive subsidies that crowd-out the private sector or unduly compete with our partners.

We’re clear-eyed that our policies will involve choices and trade-offs.  That’s the nature of policy.  But to paraphrase Sartre, not to choose is also a choice, and the trade-offs only get worse the longer we leave our challenges unchecked.

Pointing out that it’s challenging to strike the right balance is not an argument to be satisfied with the status quo.

We have tried to start making real a new positive-sum vision, and we have tried to start proving out its value.  But we still have our work cut out for us. 

So I’d actually like to end today with a few questions of my own, where our answers will determine our shared success: 

First, will we sustain the political will here at home to make the investments in our own national strength that will be required of us in the years ahead? 

Strategic investments like these need to be a bipartisan priority, and I have to believe that we’ll rise to the occasion, that we won’t needlessly give up America’s position of economic and technological leadership because we can no longer generate the political consensus to invest in ourselves.

There is more we can do now on a bipartisan basis. 

For example, Congress still hasn’t appropriated the science part of CHIPS and Science, even while the PRC is increasing its science and technology budget by 10 percent year on year.

Now, whether we’re talking about investments in fundamental research, or grants and loans for firms developing critical technologies, we also have to update our approach to risk.  Some research paths are dead ends.  Some startups won’t survive.  Our innovation base and our private sector are the envy of the world because they take risks.  The art of managing risk for the sake of innovation is critical to successful geostrategic competition. 

So, we need to nurture a national comfort with, to paraphrase FDR, bold and persistent experimentation.  And when an investment falls short, as it will, we need to maintain our bipartisan will, dust ourselves off, and keep moving forward.  To put it bluntly, our competitors hope we’re not capable of that.  We need to prove them wrong.  We need to make patient, strategic investments in our capacity to compete, and we need to ensure fiscal sustainability in order to keep making those investments over the long term.

The second question: Will we allocate sufficient resources for investments that are needed globally? 

Last year, here at Brookings, I talked about the need to go from billions to trillions in investment to help emerging and developing countries tackle modern challenges, including massively accelerating the speed and scale of the clean energy transition. 

We need a Marshall Plan-style effort, investing in partners around the world and supporting homegrown U.S. innovation in growing markets like storage, nuclear, and geothermal energy. 

Now, trillions may sound lofty and unachievable, but there is a very clear path to get there without requiring anywhere near that level of taxpayer dollars, and that path is renewed American leadership and investment in international institutions. 

For example, at the G20 this fall, we’re spearheading an effort that calls for the international financial institutions, the major creditors in the private sector, to step up their relief for countries facing high debt service burdens so they too can invest in their future. 

Or consider the World Bank and the IMF.  We’ve been leading the charge to make these institutions bigger and more effective, to fully utilize their balance sheets and be more responsive to the developing and emerging economies they serve.  That has already unlocked hundreds of billions of dollars in new lending capacity, at no cost to the United States.  And we can generate further investment on the scale required with very modest U.S. public investments and legislative fixes.  That depends on Congress taking action. 

For example, our administration requested $750 million — million — from Congress to boost the World Bank’s lending capacity by over $36 billion, which, if matched by our partners, could generate over $100 billion in new resources.  This would allow the World Bank to deploy $200 for every $1 the taxpayers provide.

We’ve asked Congress to approve investments in a new trust fund at the IMF to help developing countries build resilience and sustainability.  Through a U.S. investment in the tens of millions, we could enable tens of billions in new IMF lending.

And outside the World Bank and the IMF, we’re asking Congress to increase funding for the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment, which we launched at the G7 a couple of years ago. 

This partnership catalyzes and concentrates investment in key corridors, including Africa and Asia, to close the infrastructure gap in developing countries.  It strengthens countries’ economic growth.  It strengthens America’s supply chains and global trusted technology vendors.  And it strengthens our partnerships in critical regions. 

The private sector has been enthusiastic.  Together with them and our G7 partners, we’ve already mobilized tens of billions of dollars, and we can lever that up and scale that up in the years ahead with help on a bipartisan basis from the Congress.

We need to focus on the big picture.  Holding back small sums of money has the effect of pulling back large sums from the developing world — which also, by the way, effectively cedes the field to other countries like the PRC.  There are low-cost, commonsense solutions on the table, steps that should not be the ceiling of our ambitions, but the floor.  And we need Congress to provide us the authorities and the seed funding to take those steps now.

Finally, will we empower our agencies and develop new muscle to meet this moment? 

Simply put, we need to ensure that we have the resources and the capabilities in the U.S. government to implement this economic vision over the long haul.  This starts by significantly strengthening our bilateral tools, answering a critique that China has a checkbook and the U.S. has a checklist. 

Next year, the United States is going to face a critical test of whether our country is up to the task.  The DFC, the Ex-Im Bank, and AGOA, the African Growth and Opportunity Act, are all up for renewal by Congress.  This provides a once-in-a-decade chance for America to strengthen some of its most important tools of economic statecraft. 

And think about how they can work better with the high-leverage multilateral institutions I just mentioned.  The DFC, for example, is one of our most effective instruments to mobilize private sector investments in developing countries.

But the DFC is too small compared to the scope of investment needed, and it lacks tools our partners want, like the ability to deploy more equity as well as debt, and it’s often unable to capitalize on fast-moving investment opportunities.  So, we put forward a proposal to expand the DFC’s toolkit and make it bigger, faster, nimbler. 

Another gap we need to bridge is to make sure we attract, retain, and empower top-tier talent with expertise in priority areas.

We’re asking Congress to approve the resources we’ve requested for the Commerce’s Bureau of Industry Security, Treasury’s Office of Investment Security, the Department of Justice’s National Security Division. 

If Congress is serious about America competing and winning, we need to be able to draw on America’s very best.

Let me close with this:

Since the end of World War Two, the United States has stood for a fair and open international economy; for the power of global connection to fuel innovation; for the power of trade and investment done right to create good jobs; for the power, as Tocqueville put it, of interest rightly understood.

Our task ahead is to harness that power to take on the realities of today’s geopolitical moment in a way that will not only preserve America’s enduring strengths, but extend them for generations to come.  It will take more conversations like this one and iteration after iteration to forge a new consensus and perfect a new set of policies and capabilities to match the moment. 

I hope it’s a project we can all work on together.  We can’t afford not to. 

So, thank you.  And I look forward to continuing the conversation, including hearing some of your questions this morning. 

The post Remarks by APNSA Jake Sullivan at the Brookings Institution appeared first on The White House.

Vice President’s Residence
U.S. Naval Observatory
Washington, D.C.

12:58 P.M. EDT

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  So, yesterday, we learned that Donald Trump’s former chief of staff, John Kelly, a retired four-star general, confirmed that while Donald Trump was president, he said he wanted generals like Adolf Hitler had.

Donald Trump said that because he does not want a military that is loyal to the United States Constitution.  He wants a military that is loyal to him.  He wants a military who will be loyal to him personally, one that will obey his orders even when he tells them to break the law or abandon their oath to the Constitution of the United States.

In just the past week, Donald Trump has repeatedly called his fellow Americans the “enemy from within” and even said that he would use the United States military to go after American citizens.

And let’s be clear about who he considers to be the enemy from within.  Anyone who refuses to bend a knee or dares to criticize him would qualify, in his mind, as the enemy within, like judges, like journalists, like nonpartisan election officials.

It is deeply troubling and incredibly dangerous that Donald Trump would invoke Adolf Hitler, the man who is responsible for the deaths of 6 million Jews and hundreds of thousands of Americans. 

All of this is further evidence for the American people of who Donald Trump really is.  This is a window into who Donald Trump really is from the people who know him best, from the people who worked with him side by side in the Oval Office and in the Situation Room.

 And it is clear from John Kelly’s words that Donald Trump is someone who, I quote, “certainly falls into the general definition of “fascist,” who, in fact, vowed to be a dictator on day one and vowed to use the military as his personal militia to carry out his personal and political vendettas.

Donald Trump is increasingly unhinged and unstable.  And in a second term, people like John Kelly would not be there to be the guardrails against his propensities and his actions.  Those who once tried to stop him from pursuing his worst impulses would no longer be there and no longer be there to rein him in.

So, the bottom line is this.  We know what Donald Trump wants.  He wants unchecked power.  The question in 13 days will be: What do the American people want?

     Thank you.

                             END                1:01 P.M. EDT                              

The post Remarks by Vice President Harris at the Vice President’s Residence appeared first on The White House.

Las Vegas, Nevada

Good morning.

It was an ordinary Saturday in an extraordinary life.

I was in my office in the East Wing doing what community college teachers do on weekends—especially on a weekend so late in the semester: I was grading papers.

It was late April last year. Earlier that morning, I’d read in The New York Times that the U.S. loses $1.8 billion in working time every year to the menopause symptoms that upend women’s lives.

It struck me—I’d experienced those kinds of symptoms too, so had many of my friends, but, I thought, that’s the way life is, isn’t it?

And then, that afternoon, Maria Shriver, the former First Lady of California, came in for a meeting. She wanted to talk about women’s health research.

It’s a problem that’s so simple—yet often ignored: women’s health is understudied and research is underfunded. As a result, too many of our medications, treatments, health products, and medical school textbooks are based on men.

That’s why, if you ask any woman in America about her health care, she probably has a story to tell.

You know her.

She’s the woman who gets debilitating migraines, but can’t find treatment options that work for her. She’s the woman whose heart attack isn’t detected because her symptoms don’t look like a man’s, even as heart disease is the leading cause of death among women. She’s the woman going through menopause, who visits her doctor and leaves with more questions than answers, even though half the country will go through menopause at some point in their lives.

It seems like women’s bodies are considered miracles when we’re in our child-bearing years, and mysteries as we age.

I knew this had to change.

My husband, President Joe Biden, has a deep understanding of how government works and how to get things done quickly. So when I told Joe about this research gap, he got to work.

Last November, we launched the first-ever White House Initiative on Women’s Health Research.

From an ordinary Saturday conversation, the Biden Administration has done something extraordinary and fast. All in less than a year, we used the convening power of the White House to bring together government agencies, researchers, medical experts, innovators, and investors. 

Joe signed the most comprehensive Executive Order ever, to expand and improve research and innovation in women’s health.

The NIH is investing millions of dollars in new, interdisciplinary women’s health research, like how menopause affects our hearts, brains, and bones.

The Department of Defense is committing half a billion dollars each year to women’s health research. And what helps women service members helps all women.

And just today, ARPA-H, the agency that Joe created to invest in the most cutting-edge health breakthroughs, announced $110 million for women’s health researchers and startups to bring new treatments and cures to market. 

This is government at its best.

ARPA-H received an unprecedented 1,700 submissions for this funding sprint, which shows the energy and exploration that’s possible in this field. From there, ARPA-H chose to fund 23 recipients with the best “sparks”—meaning the most promising ideas so that researchers can take their work to the next level, and the best “launchpads”—those are the teams that are ready to bring new treatments and health products to market within the next two years.

Let me give you a couple of examples.

One in 10 women suffers from a painful, debilitating condition called endometriosis. It can take as long as a decade for women to get a diagnosis. One of today’s recipients from Washington University is developing a blood test—the first of its kind—to reduce the time it takes to diagnose the disease from years to days. So, women can get the treatments they need more quickly.

We also know that women are more likely to get migraines, but we don’t know why. At UNC-Chapel Hill, a study is being funded to see how migraines are connected to the lymphatic system to help solve that mystery. And the team is working toward personalized treatments for migraines.

ARPA-H is de-risking investments in these big ideas, so that answers can get to the women who need them now.

The potential in this space is too great to ignore. In 2021, the Boston Consulting Group estimated that the size of the women’s health market would grow from $9 billion to $29 billion in just eight years, because of the growing momentum from funders and founders to address the unmet health needs of women. I know you see these opportunities in your day-to-day work.

Here’s what I also want you to know. The women of America are waiting on you.

Any time I get together with my sisters and friends, we have conversations about our health. We ask each other: should I be taking hormone therapy for symptoms related to menopause? How is it possible that my heart attack was almost missed? 

It’s time for investors, researchers, and business leaders to have those conversations too, not as an afterthought but as a first thought. Those kinds of questions belong in your research proposals, in your laboratories, in your pitch decks.

There is incredible momentum behind women’s health right now.

What are you going to do to make sure this energy is unstoppable?

So that we leave doctors’ offices with more answers than questions. And take this moment of opportunity to create something extraordinary.

You can count me in. And I hope women can count on you.

To continue this discussion, it’s my pleasure to introduce Dr. Carolyn Mazure, the chair of the White House Initiative on Women’s Health Research. Dr. Renee Wegrzyn, who leads ARPA-H. Maria Shriver, a tireless advocate for advancing women’s health. And Lucy Pérez, a senior partner with McKinsey & Company.

Please help me welcome them to the stage.

###

The post Remarks as Prepared for Delivery by First Lady Jill Biden at the 2024 HLTH Conference appeared first on The White House.

NHTI Community College
Concord, New Hampshire

4:14 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, everyone.  Thank you, thank you, thank you.  (Applause.) 

What’s your name?

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  (Inaudible.) 

THE PRESIDENT:  Oh, is that right?

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  (Inaudible.) 

THE PRESIDENT:  All right.  Well, thanks for being here.

Have a seat, everyone.

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  Thank you, Joe!

THE PRESIDENT:  (Laughs.)  Well, thank you. 

Look, Lauren, thanks for that introduction and for sharing your story.  Unfortunately, there are too many stories like yours all across America.  Sadly, it’s a familiar one to many Americans. 

People lay in bed at night, literally, staring at the ceiling, wondering what would happen if their spouse became seriously ill or got cancer, if their child gets sick, or if something happens to you.  Do you have enough insurance?  Can you afford the medical bills?  Will you have to sell the house?  Will you have to get a mortgage?  “How in God’s name are we going to pay for those prescriptions?  Prescription drugs are so damn high.”

And you find out a big reason why you’re lying awake at night and asking these questions is because Big Pharma is charging you exorbitant prices for the prescriptions you may badly need — literally, higher prices than anywhere in the world — and that’s not hyperbole; it’s a fact — anywhere in the world. 

I’ve been fighting, like others, Big Pharma since I was a United States senator, back in the days when we were told they couldn’t be touched.  They had an exemption basically.  Unlike other parts of the health care system, Big Pharma got a special cut- — carveout that prevented Medicare from negotiating prescription drug prices with them.  They weren’t allowed to do that.   

For years, advocates, like many of you here today, have worked tirelessly to change that and to give Medicare the power to lower prescription drug prices, just like the Department of Veterans Affairs was able to do for veterans.  Same power.  And it matters.  It matters a lot.   

That’s why one of the proudest things I’ve ever done was pass the Inflation Reduction Act that allowed us to negotiate lower prices for prescription drugs.  Not a single Republican voted for this — not one single Republican in the House or Senate voted.  Not one. 

But thanks to the Inflation Reduction Act, we finally beat Big Pharma — in no small part because of your delegation.  Not a joke.  (Applause.)

Because of partners like Senator Jeanne Shaheen and — I tell you what, she’s got a special secret weapon, Billy — (laughter) — you want to be in a foxhole, man, you want Billy in that foxhole with you, man — and Maggie Hassan; Representative Annie — Annie Kuster; and especially Senator Bernie Sanders from Vermont.   

That’s why we’re here today, to talk about a law that Democrats passed and is lowering prescription drug prices and — I might add, and I’ll explain in a moment — saving the taxpayers billions of dollars.  Not just the individual recipients of the — the benefit, the taxpayers. 

Americans pay more for prescription drugs, as has been pointed by Bernie, than any other advanced nation in the world.

I can take you to the airport and put you on Air Force One with me and take you to any pharmacy from Tor- —

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  I’m in!

THE PRESIDENT:  All right, man.  (Laughter.)  All right. 

I can take you to Toronto, Canada; Paris, France; Rome, Italy; Bel- — I can take you anywhere in the world, literally, and you’ll pay half or less than you’d pay in America for the exact same drug made by the exact same pharmaceutical company.  Same drug.  Same pharta- — same pharmaceutical company. 

But not anymore.  With the help of Democrats in Congress — and Kamala, by the way, pac- — cast the tiebreaking vote to make sure it passed.  (Applause.)  Don’t — don’t tell me one vote doesn’t count. 

He told us it would — I told them what I — when I wrote this bill that I couldn’t get it passed.  We had a one-vote majority, and I mean — that it wouldn’t — never happen, but we stuck together.  We finally got it done, and it was a hell of a fight. 

The pharmaceutical company — as Bernie referenced, in another way — spent nearly $400 million — $400 million to defeat this single bill — $400 million — but we beat the special interests and we delivered for the American people.  

Because of this law, not only could Medicare finally negotiate lower prices but it also capped prescription drug costs for seniors total — this year at $3,500 in 2024 and next — in the next six months —

By the way, in the first six months of this alone — year alone, on out-of-pocket spending, we saved the people enrolled in Medicare nearly $1 billion in six months — $1 billion less out of your pocket, nationwide, in just the first six months.  

That means, as of June, 1.5 million Americans who are enrolled in Medicare hit the cap and do not have to pay a dime more for drugs for the rest of the year, no matter what their costs are. 

And here — (applause) — but this is bill is so extensive people don’t fully understand it. 

And guess what?  Starting this January — this January, the total cap on prescription drug costs for seniors on Medicare will be even lower.  It will go down to $2,000.  They don’t have to pay more than $2,000, no matter what the cost of their drugs are — no matter what. 

For example, as some of you unfortunately know, some of the cancer drugs can cost $10-, $12-, $15,000 a year.  That’s not hyperbole.  That’s a fact.  This change is expected to save 19 million seniors and other people on Medicare — save them — just those ones on Medicare — $7.4 billion in out-of-pocket spending starting in January. 

But here’s the deal.  It’s also going to save the American taxpayers billions of dollars.  I’ll go into this a little more detail, but the fact — the bill we passed — the extent of it is — guess what? — the American taxpayer is going to save $160 billion (inaudible) — (applause)  — $160 billion dollars.  Because they no longer have — and Medicare — have to pay $400 instead of $35 for insulin, for example.

But that’s not all.  Thanks to the law I signed for — seniors are already saving on their prescription drug costs now.  For example, take insulin to treat diabetes.  One in ten Americans — one in ten Americans has diabetes.  I’m not going to ask you if you — if you’re the one, but I bet — how many of you know someone who needs to take insulin for their diabetes?  Raise your hand.  So, a good c- — you know how much it costs to make that insulin?  Ten dollars.  T-E-N.

And you know the guy who invented it, who dis- — who discovered the prescription to do it, he made sure that he didn’t patent it, because he wanted it available for everyone — for everyone.  That’s what he did.  That’s what he did for everyone. 

But guess what?  Now they charge as much as $400 a month. 

Three years ago, I was down in Northern Virginia and doing a town hall.  And I met a 13-year-old boy named Joshua.  He and his dad both have Type 1 diabetes, which means they needed insulin every day.  I spoke with Joshua’s mom.  Imagine what it’s like to look at your child — and I mean this sincerely.  Think of this in personal terms.  Imagine what it’s like to look at your child who needs insulin and you’re looking and know you have no idea — no idea how you’re going to pay for it.  Not a joke. 

One woman in that meeting said, “I have two children that need it.  I have to cut their prescription in half.  And some- — sometimes I have to choose which one gets the — gets insulin.”

What does that do to a parent’s dignity, their sense of self-worth, your ability to look your child in the eye — and I mean this from the bottom of my heart — look your child in the eye and say, “Honey, I’m sorry.  I’m sorry.” 

Or imagine the senior having to cut your pills in half, to skip doses, or forego your prescriptions altogether because you just can’t afford them.

Folks, this is the United States of America.  So, when we had — when we got elected, we were told we’d never get anything done.  We have a one-vote majority and h- — anyway, we’d never get anything big done.  We got a hell of a lot big done.  (Applause.)  No — because of this group right here.

And thanks to one of those laws — (applause) — thanks to one of those laws, the Inflation Reduction Act, seniors with diabetes, as you’ve heard, now pay — and many of you know — $35 a month instead of $400 a month.  Thirty- — that changes someone’s life.

Growing up with the family I grew up in, my dad used to have an expression.  He’d say, “Joey, family is the” — I mean this sincerely, my word as a Biden — “family is the beginning, the middle, and the end.  And everyone — everyone is entitled to be treated with dignity.” 

What’s it do to a parent?  What’s it do to a parent when you can’t provide something you know your child and your spouse badly needs and there’s no way you can pay for it?

But Kamala and I wanted $35 insulin for everyone — not just seniors, for everybody.  (Applause.)  And she’s going to get it done.

Look, folks, they’re still going to make a profit.  They’re still making 350 percent profit.  Costs them 10 bucks to make it.  Think about that.

We’re taking on the cost of more than just insulin.  Medicare, in the same bill, which people are only beginning to find out — understandably, because this bill is a bill that’s passed, but it goes on for years.  Medicare is now able to negotiate lower prices for some of the costliest drugs that treat everything from heart disease to arthritis to cancer.  And here’s what the law has already — we’ve already passed has done.

For the first time ever, every year from this point on — every year, calendar year — Medicare will negotiate the cost of additional prescription drugs.

Earlier this year, I announced that Medicare reached an agreement with drug manufacturers on 10 new drugs that Medicare picked and said, “We’re going to negotiate.”  The most common, most expensive drugs that treat everything from kidney disease to arthritis to blood cancer and more.

These new low prices for all 10 drugs will go into effect in January 2026 and cut the prices on the — those 10 drugs by between 40 and 80 percent. 

Next year — the next year, Medicare will negotiate another price — lower price for 15 additional drugs and every year ther- — thereafter until we get after 20 — and 20 drugs, until every drug is covered that’s on the market — every one.  (Applause.)

It’s already passed.  And, folks, it isn’t just saving seniors money.  As I said, it’s also saving taxpayers billions of dollars because Medicare will no longer have to pay exorbitant prices to Pharma. 

Over the next 10 years — just so far — the newer, lower drug prices and other reforms, we’ve cut the federal deficit by $160 billion, while he raised it by $200 billion.  (Applause.)  I’m serious.  Think about it. 

Look, I’m a capitalist.  I was listed for 36 years as the poorest man in Congress, but I’m still a capitalist.  (Laughter.)  You think I’m kidding.  I got a phone call; I was campaigning for a — a colleague who was — no longer around but was up in this neck of the woods, in Vermont — not Bernie but his predecessor.  And I got a phone call from my wife.  She said, “Joe” — well, actually, I called home.  When I’m away, I’d call b- — see how the kids are doing before she goes off to teach. 

I said, “Hey, Jill, how are you?”  “Fine.”  (Laughter.)  You know you’re in trouble when you get that answer.  (Laughter.)  This is — I give you my word as a Biden — this is a true story. 

She said, “Did you read today’s paper?”  I said, “Honey, they don’t have the Wilmington News Journal up here.”  (Laughter.)  She said, “Well, headline: ‘Biden, Poorest Man in Congress.’  Is that true?”  (Laughter.)  I said, “I don’t know,” but I guess I was for 36 years.  (Laughter.)  I never thought — I didn’t have any money, but I had a good salary. 

Look, but I’m a capitalist.  (Laughs.)  And without competition, it’s not capitalism; it’s exploitation.  When Big Pharma doesn’t play by the rules, competitors can’t offer lower-priced drugs and devices that carry those drugs so prices stay artificially high. 

And, look — but we’re taking action.  For example, we called out drug companies, as Bernie mentioned, that make inhalers so the people with asthma, they — and some severe asthma — I have asthma, but it’s not severe — that they need to breathe — for charging Americans — and he was right; this was not an exaggeration — 70 times more than companies in ch- — in — in Europe charge for the same exact prescription.  It’s outrageous.  I think it borders on immoral. 

As a result, three of the largest companies, as I skillfully and very privately and peacefully called their CEOs to tell them — (laughter) — who make these inhalers are saying that instead of charging up to $600 out of pocket for — to cap the cost at $35.  And so, it’s about time. 

But, again, Bernie is a big reason why this is happening.  You don’t want to screw around with Bernie.  (Laughter.)

But we have to do more.  Bernie and I said this summer, it’s time for drug manufacturers to lower the prices on anti-obesity medications that you hear so much about these days.  And, by the way, it’s not just cosmetically.  It saves people’s lives, these obesity medicines.  It saves their lives because of — they’re so overweight and there’s so much problems associated with it. 

You just heard from Bernie about what these drug companies are doing.  The prices of these o- — anti-obesity drugs can be six times higher in America than in other countries, from Canada to Sweden.  This is cr- — where I come from, it’s called price gouging and corporate greed. 

And I know a little about corporations.  There are more corporations incorporated in Delaware than every other state in the Union combined.  So, I’m used to dealing with corporations. 

Americans don’t like to be played for suckers.  We don’t like that.  I’m — and we’re tired of it.  And it’s outrageous.  It’s got to stop. 

Look, today’s announcement follows actions we’ve already taken to reduce the health care costs for average Americans.  Because of Bernie’s leadership, we took action to reduce the cost of hearing aids for 1 million Americans by as much as $3,000.  You see them advertise on television.  You go for the prescription drug hearing aid, it’s $3,060 or some- — whatever the number — over 3,000 bucks.  And you get the same hearing aid and you get it for $3,000 less because you don’t have to go for the prescription; you can go right to the drug — you can go to the drug store for the — right to the counter. 

In addition, my administration is banning junk health insurance.  These guys are get- — they’ve been co- — coming and going.  There are plans for health insurance that will look affordable but then stick consumers with big, unexpected charges. 

You know, we ended the — those unfair surprise medical bills.  When I was — years ago, when I was in — in the Senate, and I was a — I had — I had two cranial aneurysms, and I was hospitalized for a long time.  And you have what they call surprise medical bills.  If the insurance you have doesn’t cover a particular provider and not in-network, they charge you significantly more.  And so, you get these surprise hospital bills. 

So, hospitals that are in-network can’t send you a bill for out-of-network doctors who d- — you didn’t choose and are not part of your — you didn’t n- — you never consulted them.  That’s banned.  I did that by executive order.

Kamala and I are also protecting and expanding the Affordable Care Act.  Today, there are 21 million Americans — 21 million Americans covered by the Affordable Care Act marketplace.  That’s 9 million more people, individuals, since I’ve been in office that are now covered by the Affordable Care Act. 

More Americans — (applause) — more Americans have health care today than ever in American history — today — than ever.  And it’s in part because I expanded tax credits that save an average of $800 per person per year, reducing health care premiums for millions of working families who have coverage under the Affordable Care Act. 

These enhancements expire next year, though.  And I’m calling on Congress to make the expanded health care tax credits permanent.  (Applause.)

And Trump — Trump and his MAGA Republican friends want to cut the Affordable Care Act out completely.  You know how many times they’ve tried to introdu- — they’ve introduced bills over the last three years to do that?  Fifty-one times.  Fifty-one times.  He wants to replace the Affordable Care Act.  We can’t let that happen.

Look, he calls — he wants to replace it with hi- — I love his — I love this guy.  (Laughter.)  I’m trying to be a very good fella.  (Laughter.)  I’m not letting my Irish get the best of me.  (Laughter.)

But my predecessor, the distinguished former president — (laughter) — he wants to replace the Affordable Care Act with — he calls — this is what he refers to it: a “concept of a plan.”  (Laughter.)  I’ve heard that concept of a plan now for almost eight years.  “A concept of a plan.”  What the hell is a concept of a — he has no concept of anything.  (Applause.)  No plan.

If we don’t elect Kamala and he gets elected, Trump could kick up to 45 million people off their health insurance — 45 million.  Over 100 million people could lose health care coverage because they have a preexisting condition.  The only reason they could get it is because of the Affordable Care Act. 

Trump and MAGA Republicans want to eliminate the Inflation Reduction Act, which they’re talking — the “big bill” — which made all these savings possible, raising prescription drug prices again for millions of Americans.  They’re — state it.  They’re not — and he b- — this guy means what he says — means what he says.

Look, during the last administration, my predecessor exploded the national debt more than any previous president in a single term.  This guy raised the national debt by $2 trillion because of a tax cut that overwhelmingly benefitted the very wealthy and the biggest corporations. 

Now, he’s saying, if elected — remember what he said now.  If elected, he wants another $5 trillion tax cut for the very wealthy.  That’s the tax cut he wants. 

He won’t just get rid of the Department of Education, which he wants to do, and the Affordable Care Act.  He’ll gut Social Security and Medicare, which he says he wants to do, h- — hurt hardworking people. 

I’ve got a better idea.  Let’s protect Social Security and Medicare and finally start making the very wealthy pay their fair share to keep these programs (inaudible).  (Applause.)  I mean it.

By the way, you know what the average tax rate is for a billionaire in America?  There are a thousand billionaires since COVID.  8.2 percent.  Anybody who wants to change places with a billionaire’s tax ra- — rate, raise your hand.  (Laughter.)  I’m serious.  Not a joke.  8.2 percent.

I proposed raising it to 25 percent, which isn’t even close to the highest rate.  You know how much that would raise?  Five hundred billion dollars over the next five years — (applause) — just paying 25 percent.

Look, let me repeat what I have said since day one and that Kamala has continued to c- — she’s be- — continued to commit to.  We made a commitment that no one — no one in America earning less than $400,000 a year, which is really high, will pay a single additional penny in federal taxes — not a single penny — $400 million — $400,000.  They haven’t, and they won’t.  If Kamala is president, they will continue not to.

So, th- — I don’t want to hear this stuff about “Biden going after the rich.”  I did that to make sure we understand what the superrich are paying.

And, folks, let me close with this.  Bernie and I are going to — going to — have been doing this work for a long time.  I know we both look like we’re 40, but we’re a little older — (laughter and applause) — at least I am.  I can’t even say it anymore.  Anyway.  (Laughter.)

We know we’ve made historic progress in the last three years: 35 bucks for insulin, 35 bucks for inhalers, $2,000-a-year cap, and things continue to go.

We’re showing how health care should be a right, not a privilege in America.  That’s why I’ve never been more optimistic about our future, and I mean it. 

We’re at one of those inflection points, folks.  The decisions we make in the next election are going to determine what this country looks like for the next four or five decades.  And that’s not hyperbole.  That’s a fact. 

And, folks, I’m — I’m taking too much of your time, but let me say it this way.  We just have to remember who in the hell we are.  We’re the United States of America.  We’re the United States.  There’s nothing beyond our capacity — not a damn thing beyond our capacity.  (Applause.)

We’re the only nation in history of the world that’s come out of every crisis stronger than we went in — every one.  Because when we act together, there’s nothing beyond our capacity. 

The rest of the world is looking to us.  We have the strongest economy in the world, and now we just got to make sure it’s available to every single American. 

So, I leave you by saying I can’t tell you how much I appreciate what you’re about to do in this election.  (Laughs.)  As — as a friend of mine would say, from my lips to God’s ears on that one.  But, look, you’ve got great candidates.  You got great candidates.  And I really mean — we got to get back to the days where we actually can talk to the other team. 

This is not your father’s Republican Party. 

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  No.

THE PRESIDENT:  No, no.  I mean — I mean it’s not even close. 

I came up in an era — I got elected when I was 29 years old to the United States Senate.  I had to wait 17 days to be able to be sworn in.  I got there as a young civil rights guy in the — when Strom Thurmond and all those guys were still there.  But at least (inaudible) — be — honest to God — you could talk to him.  And people change. 

After all those years serving with Strom Thurmond, on his deathbed, he — 100 years old, his wife called me from Walter Reed Hospital.  She said, “Joe?”  I said, “Yeah, Nancy.”  And sh- — she said, “Strom asked me to come out.  I’m at the nurse’s station with Doctor” — she named his doctor.  “He asked me if you’d do him a favor.”  And I said, “Sure.”  He said, “Will you do his eulogy?” 

I did Strom Thurmond’s eulogy.  I didn’t lie.  I started off and I said, “Grandpa Finnegan, please forgive me for what I’m about to do.”  (Laughter.)

But all kidding aside, even by the time he left, he had the most racially diverse staff in America.  He voted for a lot — he voted for the change in all the laws that he had voted for before.  There was headline in 1946 of Thurmond — “Thurmond: Hope of the South” — because he was against separate but equal.  Not the proposition you couldn’t separate the races but the proposition that if you had separate but e- — you had to spend the exact amount of money in a Black school as a white school. 

My generic point is: People change.  But these guys just keep getting worse.  (Laughter.)  No, I really mean it.  They mean what they say.  They mean what they say. 

I’ll conclude by saying that, you know, I — I’ll just say something that’s both revealing and self-defeating.  You know, there is — are only a few advantages of being the oldest guy around.  That is, I have more experience in foreign policy than anybody ever that had this job in American history. 

I’ve known every major world leader personally in the last 40 years.  Every international meeting I attend, including just being in Germany, as we’re walking out — whether at the G20 or the G7, whatever it is — they’ll pull me aside, one leader after another, quietly, and say, “Joe, he can’t win.  My democracy is at stake.  My democracy is at stake.”

If America walks away, who leads the world?  Who?  Name me a country.  And we’re doing it without expending American blood by having Americans at war. 

So, folks, there’s so much at stake.  So, please — I know you’ll all vote, but please call your neighbors, get your friends, get your relatives, get them to vote, because this is — the nation’s democracy, in my view, depends on it. 

God bless you all.  And may God protect our troops.  Thank you.  (Applause.)

Thank you.

Oh, there you are.

SENATOR SANDERS:  (Laughs.)

THE PRESIDENT:  We’ve been doing this a long time, pal.

SENATOR SANDERS:  I know.  (Laughs.)

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, thank you, thank you.  (Applause.)

4:44 P.M. EDT

The post Remarks by President Biden on Lowering the Cost of Prescription Drugs | Concord, NH appeared first on The White House.

New Hampshire Democratic Party Office

5:23 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  This work?  Does this one work, this handheld mic?  Can we make that —

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  It works. 

THE PRESIDENT:  It works?  It wor- — can you hear me?

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  Yes.

THE PRESIDENT:  All right.  Well, first of all, 14 days.  (Laughter.) 

You know, folks, I know I look like I’m only 40, but — (laughter) — I’ve been doing this a long time.  And it’s not an exaggeration to say this is the most important election any one of you have ever voted in, no matter if it’s your first election or you’ve been doing it for as long as I have.  I really mean it.

You know, I got elected to the Senate when I was 29 years old.  I come from a very modest family.  I had the dubious distinction of being listed as the poorest man in Congress for 36 years.  But I never thought that because I got a good salary as a senator. 

My generic point is this: I got there when I was a kid at 29 and — because of, basically, civil rights issues in my state.  My state was a slave state early on, with three other st- — states that fought on the side of the North.  And my state was — was divided.  Down state, the southern part of the state, talk at you like this — (pronounced in an accent) — like on the Eastern Shore of Maryland.  Upstate is more like, you know, suburban Philadelphia areas.

And when I got engaged, things were — we had real differences.  We had a lot of segregationists still left in the Senate.  We had a lot of really conservative people in the Democratic Party.  But even that wasn’t — I was a — like I said, I got deeply involved with civil rights issues, but even that didn’t separate us in a way that we’re separated today.

We were separated very badly, but we — after we would argue like hell, we’d sit down and go to lunch together in the Senate dining room.  And in the process, people changed their minds. 

Before he died, Strom Thurmond had the largest Black staff in Amer- — in the — in the state of — in the United States Senate; voted for the — for the Civil Rights Act.  Things change.

But we’re dealing with a totally different breed of cat now.  That was — the Civil Rights era was terrible, but we got a group now that is just — it is literally — and I’m not one that is prone to hyperbole, but we have a — a group running, the MAGA Republicans, who are — have a antidemocratic attitude toward the way the Constitution functions.  They have virtually no regard for the Constitution.

The first speech I made — you — no reason why you’d remember it, but when I got elected — when I got the nomination, I spoke at Independence Hall, and I said, “Our very democracy is at stake.”  It’s not hyperbole.  Our democracy is at stake.

Think about it.  Think about what happens if Donald Trump were to win this election.  Think about what it means.  He’s made it clear what he wants to do.  He’s not joking about it.  He’s deadly earnest.

He wants to change the way in which the so-called safeguards of the Constitution are honored.  He wants to disregard them. 

You saw what happened when those folks broke through the Capitol, killed police officers.  And he calls them heroes.  He wants to le- — release them from prison terms that they’ve all — they’ve all gotten. 

He won’t even commit that if he loses this election, he’ll go peacefully.  He will not make that commitment.  He talks about there being a “bloodbath” if he loses.  These are words no president has ever used — no president ever used. 

And, by the wo- — you — and if you don’t believe it now, you’re going to learn if he wins.  It’s a serious, serious problem.

So, folks, the first point I want to make to you is we must, we must, we must win.  We must win not only for ourselves but for our children and those children who aren’t even born yet.  It makes a di- — significant difference.

I — the only value of being around a long time, I have more experience than any president in the history of the United States of America.  I’ve gotten to know — literally, not figuratively — that may be good or bad — I’ve gotten to know every major world leader personally over those years because of my involvement in foreign — American foreign policy.  But the rest of the world is scared to death of what’s going to happen if he gets elected.  Not a joke.  Not a joke.

Every one of these international meetings I attend, I get pulled aside.  As we’re walking out, they say, “You got to win.  You got to win.  My democracy is at stake” — meaning their democracy. 

You hear what he talks about in terms of what happens in Europe.  I spent four years putting NATO back together with — Kamala and I.  He wants to get out of NATO.  He’s talking about how he’s good friends with Putin and how he can just talk to him. 

When we — in the middle of the crisis, when we needed all those masks and all those tests for COVID, he was giving those in short supply to Putin — to Putin.

No president has ever been like this guy.  I — I’m afraid I’m — I’ll get going and I’ll really tell you what I think in a minute, but I’m — (laughter).  But I’m serious.  He’s a genuine threat to our democracy, and that’s not hyperbole.  That is the God’s truth.

And, folks, it’s not just him.  It’s the people who are around him.  These MAGA Republicans mean what they say.  They genuinely mean what they say.

For example, Barack and I worked like hell — and Barack deserves all the credit for the — for the Affordable Care Act, making sure people who didn’t have coverage got coverage.  More people have health care today than at any time in American history.  He wants to — (applause) — but it has to be reauthorized.  It must be re- — he wants to end it, wants to take it away.  A hundred million people with preexisting condition would lose health insurance — 100 million. 

One of the things they told me we could never get done, I was able to get — deal with the Affordable Care Act, but not just that.  Look what we did with the drug companies, the — I mean, these guys are ripping — I can put you in Air Force One and take you with me now.  If you have a prescription to fill, I can take you to London, I can take you to Berlin, I can take you to any major city in the world, and I can get you that same prescription filled by the same company for anywhere between 40 and 80 percent less than it costs here.

He wants to do away with the Affordable Care Act — I mean, wi- — excuse me, with — with the whole legislation allowing that to happen.  Not one single Republican voted for it — not one single Republican.

I’m not going to go on, because I could.  But the point is, this guy wants to change it all.  He wants to rip it apart. 

All these press people know the hell what they’re talking about, and they do.  I mean, I — I really mean it.  He believes in the free press like I believe in whether I can climb Mount Everest.  (Laughter.)  But I — but I’m serious. 

They’re going to be straight with you and tell you what they think.  They don’t agree with me.  They’re not all for me, by any stretch of the imagination.  But this guy means what he says.  And I think every one of them know in their heart that this will not be our democracy.

Look, I’ll — I’m going to conclude this.  We’re in a situation where every five or six generations, there — we reach an inflection point in American history where the decisions we make in a very short span of time are going to determine what the rest of the next five, six, seven decades are going to look like.  Not a joke.  The decisions we make this election, in the last election is going to determine what this country looks like for the next five or six decades.  That is not a joke.  That’s a straight fact.

There’s not a single thing we’ve done and we’ve passed — we — you know, they told us we couldn’t get anything passed.  Well, Kamala and I got a hell of a lot passed.  We got more passed than any president has in four years.  (Applause.)

But all of it’s — all of it’s — — all of it’s on a knife’s edge.  It’s on a knife’s edge right now.  And so, this is really, really, really, really an important election.

And, folks, look, think about it.  He is talking about doing away with the entire Department of Education.  He’s talking — he means it.  Not — this is not a joke.

This is a guy also wants to replace every civil servant — every single one; thinks he has a right under the Supreme Court ruling on immunity to be able, if need be — if he — if it was the case — to actually eliminate — physically eliminate — shoot, kill — someone who is — he believes to be a threat to him. 

I mean — so, I know this sounds bizarre.  It sounds like — if I said this five years ago, you’d lock me up.  (Laughter.)  We got to lock him up — (applause) — politically lock him up.  Lock him out, that’s what we have to do.

And so, look, you all know how this works.  Every single vote counts.  And that’s, again, not hyperbole.  Think of the — think how close these elections can be.  And you’ve got one of the best delegations in the United States Senate.  I’m not joking.  (Applause.)  No, no, no.  That’s not a joke.  That’s not a joke.

They’ve got more courage than the 10 best guys I know.  (Laughter.)  No, I’m serious.  Think of the courage of the votes they’ve taken.  And you’ve changed New Hampshire.  You’ve changed New Hampshire.

I’ve been coming up to New Hampshire since 1974, as a 31-year-old — 32-year-old senator.  You’ve changed it.  It’s gotten stronger because of — what you’re dealing with here is you’re not dealing with all the actually mindless Republicans.  (Laughter.)  No, I’m serious.

Think about — think about what these guys are saying.  Listen to what they say.  They mean it.  They mean it.

And so, thank God you’ve got really quality candidates. 

We were riding up on — the governor is an old friend.  No, he really is an old friend.  He and the doc are close friends for a long, long time, so they rode up with me on Air Force One.  We talked about how much things have changed for the better here — for the better here and how many quality candidates you have.  You’ve never had a group of more qualified candidates running up and down the ticket — up and down the ticket.

And so, look, you know, there’s a — ther- — there’s a poem written by — I’m always quoting Irish poets.  They think I do it because I’m Irish.  I don’t quote — (laughter) — I don’t do that.  I do it because they’re the best poets in the world.  (Laughter and applause.) 

And there’s a poet — his wife I got to know, and I’ve got some of his material.  It says cal- — he wrote a poem called “The Cure at Troy.”  He says, “History teaches us not to hope on this side of the grave, but then, once in a lifetime, that longed-for tidal wave of justice rises up and hope and history rhyme.” 

We have a chance.  We have a chance to begin to make hope and history rhyme.  The changes you’ve made, the changes we’ve made, the changes — look at — have you ever seen a time — even if you’re as old as I am, have you ever seen any time when as many major Republicans have endorsed the Democratic candidate for president?  (Applause.)  No, no, no, I’m serious.  I’m serious.

And you ask them why.  They don’t agree with us on the specific issues, but what they do understand is this guy is a danger to the Republic. 

And so, look, I’m going to get myself in trouble here, but you see this woman here?  (Referring to Ms. Goodlander.)  She worked for me.  She worked with me for a while.  She worked also in the state.  She worked in — this woman here has more courage in her — political — no, I’m — I’m not joking; not a joke — in her little finger than most people have in their whole body — political courage.  I’m serious.  I’m deadly earnest.  And she’s smart as hell. 

She’s going to make a difference for you all.  She’s replacing a really fine congresswoman, but it’s going to make a difference. 

And, look, these two women here, we would — I’m — I’m not joking.  (Referring to Senator Hassan and Senator Shaheen.)  We wouldn’t be anywhere near where we are.  Think of all the things that would not have passed were you not in the Senate, both of you.  The consequential things make a difference to people’s lives.  (Applause.)

And, folks, I wasn’t supposed to take this long, and I apologize.  (Applause.)  But let me say one closing concept.  The biggest mistake the Democratic Party has made, and I’m part of it, is that we spent all our time on the Senate, the House, the presidency.  We didn’t do what the Republicans did.  We didn’t spend our time electing state reps.  State — (laughter) — no, no, no, no, no, not a — I’m not kidding.  State reps — the state senators and governors.  They did.  (Applause.)  They did.  They did. 

You’ve got one right here in a governor.  (Applause.)  I’m serious.  Think about what we can do. 

Look, this woman not only worked for me, she also worked for one of the guys that came to work for me — is one of my best friends: John McCain, a Republican — because he was honorable.  We disagreed like — we’d fight like hell.  When he got out of prison camp, for a long time, he came to work wi- — he came to me — work with me when he was re- — freed.  He worked in the Senate.  And we traveled over 1,200,000 miles together, going around the country. 

Matter of fact, when we were flying off to — I think we were heading to Japan, but we stopped in Hawaii, and John was with me.  And John looked at — he had been separated, divorced from his wife, and he looked at me, and he said, “You see that admiral’s daughter?  She’s beautiful.”  (Laughter.)  I said, “Why don’t you say hi to her?”  He said, “No, no, no, no.”

So, I went up and I said, “My name is Joe Biden.”  (Laughter.)  “I got someone” — (inaudible) I did — I said, “I want someone you’ll meet,” and I took her hand and I walked her over.  I said, “I want you to meet my buddy, John McCain.”  (Laughter.)  He married her.  (Laughter and applause.)

But John and I would — like brothers, we’d argue like hell — I mean shout at each other.  Then we’d sit down and have dinner together.  We disagreed, but John was a patriot. 

There’s a lot of good Republicans out there, but these guys are not that breed of cat.  They’re a different group. 

So, you got to — I wasn’t going to run, as I said, after this — for president again, and I mean that sincerely.  And my son Beau, who was the attorney general of the state of Delaware, and when he — one day I came home — I used to com- — commute home because I couldn’t afford daycare.  I couldn’t afford house care.  But my mom and our whole family was helping take care of my kids after my wife and daughter were killed. 

And so, I commuted for 36 years on the train.  And as I — I got off the train, and I said — my son Beau said to me, “Dad, what are you doing on Friday?”  This was on the previous Sunday.  And I said, “What do you mean?”  “I’d like you to pin my bars on.”  I said, “Pin your bars on?”  “Yeah, Dad.”  He said, “I joined the National Guard.” 

I said, “You’re married.  You got two kids.”  And he said, “Dad, but we have to — somebody has got to do this.”  So, he got p- — he got sent to Iraq for a year.  And you’re either state property or you’re federal property.  So, you either work for the president or you work for the governor.  So, he gave up his attorney general job temporarily when he got deployed to Iraq for a year. 

The problem was he was only about 300 yards from a burn pit, just like those guys who went in 9/11 into — those firefighters.  And he came home with stage four glioblastoma, and no one makes it.  And he died. 

But before he died, and this relates to what — how strongly I feel about this — before he died, he said, “Dad, you got to make me a pro-” — we were going home because my mom — my — my father had died, and my mom had moved in with us.  And my wife and I were coming home from Washington on a Friday.  And so, we lived, as the crow flies, just a mile from where our son Beau was but really two miles in terms of getting there. 

So, we went over to his house for dinner.  After dinner, my wife said, “I’m going home and change.”  It was a Friday afternoon.  It was in, I guess, probably — anyway.  And — and Beau turned to his wife and said, “Would you take the kids?  I want to talk to Dad.” 

And he said, “Dad” — give you my word.  He said, “Dad, look at me.”  We have this thing about Biden (inaudible) — “look at me, I’m” — meaning “I’m really serious.”  And he said, “Dad, I know when I die” — and we know — I said — he said, “We both know I’m going to die, Dad.  I’m going to be okay, though.  I’m okay with it, Dad.”

He said, “You got to make me a promise.  You got to make me a promise.”  I said, “What’s the promise, honey?”  He said, “Promise me you won’t quit.  You’ll want to quit.  You’ll want to get out of politics.”

I said, “Beau” — he said, “Dad, promise me.  Give me your word as a Biden, Dad.  Look at me, Dad.  Look at me.”  And I gave him my word. 

I had no intention of running again until then.  But even then, I didn’t think I’d ever run again.  I’d stay engaged, but I’d run — this is after being vice president. 

And then I saw those folks coming out of the fields in Charlottesville carrying Nazi swastikas and torches, accompanied by the Ku Klux Klan.  And Beau had died, and I looked at it, and I — and I knew.  I knew I had to keep my promise. 

So, that’s the only reason I ran again.  And I ran because — Beau knows, and you know in your heart, every one of you, I’ve asked you — if Trump wins, this nation changes.  There’s only two things we can do: guarantee that he doesn’t or, if he does, make sure we have a strongest Democratic majority we can get to make sure he (inaudible).  (Applause.)

And the thing I can say — and I’ve told this both to — both your senators, and I told you, your former governor, who’s my buddy — if there’s one word to describe you all, you have enormous integrity.  No, no, you have enormous integrity.  It’s the highest compliment, in my family, you can give anyone: integrity. 

So, folks, let’s be the party we — we say we are. 

Last comment I’ll make.  When I was vice president, I had gotten — I think both my colleagues would say when I left the Senate, I was thought to be someone who’d get a lot done in the Senate.  I was able to cross the aisle pretty well.  And after being vice president for six years, seven years, and, as Barack would tell you, I was the only guy who went up to the Senate and the House to deal with the Congress, because of my experience.

And I was asked — so, I decided — things were getting really kind of rough because we were starting to get this — this division was getting personal that was existing in politics.  So, I decided to go up to the Se- — since I was president of the Senate, as the Se- — as the vice president, I went up to the Senate dining room. 

There used to be a dining room.  There was a dining room in the Senate.  There were two of them.  If you could go down and the senators were — were going to take you lunch, they’ll take you to the Senate dining room.  They can take you in to a dining room where they can sit with you and you can have lunch.  There was a waiting room there.

But right across from it, there’s another dining room.  It’s private.  It’s — it had — it’s a room about the size of this one, with an archway that is about where you guys are.  There’s a great, big table that seats — what? — 10, 12, 14 people.  And there is a buffet along the left side.  And then you go through that archway, and there’s another table facing the other direc- — perpendicular.

And the Democrats sit at one table and the Republicans at another.  When there are not that many people there, you sit together.  And you get to know somebody.  You get to know them so you don’t hate them, and you find out that their wife has breast cancer or they have a son who’s — who’s in trouble or they have a daughter that’s hooked on drugs or they have some serious problem.  Even though you totally disagree them, it’s hard to dislike them. 

And then we used to have lunch all together all the time, even after bitter arguments on the floor.  And we got to know one another.  It was hard to hate the people you knew when you knew the personal side of them. 

So, I decided I was going to walk in and try to settle some things that were going on.  And I walked into the Senate dining room and there was no dining room anymore, just lounge chairs.  There’s not a place in the United States Senate where Democrats and Republicans can go and sit down and have lunch together as a group and privately, unless you have it in your office. 

We don’t talk to each other anymore.  We don’t communicate.  We don’t talk about the things that matter.  And people feel isolated, even in — in the politics. 

They don’t have the dining room back, do they?

SENATOR SHAHEEN:  No.

SENATOR HASSEN:  (Inaudible.)

THE PRESIDENT:  I remember, and we used to — by the way, we used to travel together.  We used to travel, and we’d bring your spouse with you — Democrat and Republican.  You get to know somebody else on a personal level, it changes — it doesn’t change your political view; it changes your attitude. 

Well, Americans are being driven apart, and that’s not who we are. 

I’ll end where I began.  We’re the only nation in the world that’s come out of every crisis we’ve faced stronger than we went in.  And it’s up to us, as the Democratic Party, not just to win but to make sure — to make sure. 

I used to teach constitutional law — talk about every generation has an obligation to extend democracy.  Well, it’s real.  I used to — even when I taught it, I thought maybe it’s an exaggeration.  We all have an obligation to strengthen our democracy.  And we’ve got that chance now.

And New Hampshire is a beacon.  Not a joke.  You’re a beacon.  You guys do it, it’ll make a — it’ll send a message that’s profound. 

So, please — please, please, please — reelect your two senators.  We need them badly.  Reelect Mag- — elect Maggie, because you’ll find she’s smarter than you, smarter than me.  (Laughter.)  And reelect the gover- — elect the governor, because we can pull the con- —

Did you ever think you’d have — I’ll end — I know the former vice president pretty well, and his daughter is a congresswoman.  And he’s a tough guy from Wyoming.  We used to argue like hell, but he’s completely, completely honorable.  And so is she.  Did you ever think you would see the congresswoman from Wyoming strongly supporting the Democratic candidate because she knows what the other guy is?

So, folks, please — please, please, please — we count your votes earlier than everybody else.  You know, you’ve got to.  You’ve got hard work to do. 

Remember, every damn vote counts you.  (Applause.)

Thank you.  (Applause.)

GOVERNOR SUNUNU:  Mr. President.  Mr. President.  Everybody sit down for one minute.

So, Mr. President, we know you love New Hampshire.  (Applause.)

THE PRESIDENT:  Learned to ski here.

GOVERNOR SUNUNU:  And New Hampshire loves you.  (Applause.)  So, Kathy Sullivan thought I was going to give you a lottery ticket — (laughter) — which I probably should have done.  But instead — you don’t have to put it on — New Hampshire hat.  (Applause.)

THE PRESIDENT:  I tell you what.  I like hats a lot the more bald I get.  (Laughter.)  Let me get this — come on, Joe.  Give me a second here.  (The president puts on a hat.)  (Applause.)

GOVERNOR SUNUNU:  And we have a New Hampshire sweatshirt, “Live free or die.”  (Applause.)

THE PRESIDENT:  That’s exactly right, man.  Make sure we all live free, okay?  (Inaudible.)  (Applause.)

Thank you.  (Applause.) 

5:48 P.M. EDT

The post Remarks by President Biden During Visit to a New Hampshire Democratic Coordinated Campaign Office | Concord, NH appeared first on The White House.

Oval Office

11:48 A.M. EDT

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Got everybody?

Well, Mr. Prime Minister, welcome to the White House. We were just talking very briefly that I spent a little time in Slovenia early on, and it’s a beautiful, beautiful country.

Twenty years ago, when I was a United States senator, I pushed very hard for your country’s admission to NATO, as you know, because I knew then what I know now: We’re stronger and a safer world when we stand together with good partners like you.

We’ve seen it in support for the brave people of Ukraine as they defend themselves against Russia’s brutal aggression. And we see it in — in our work to support democracy and prosperity across the W- — the Western Balkans. And we see it — and we saw it earlier this past summer when we secured the release of 16 people, including four Americans, unjustly held in Russia. And I want to thank you. It was a feat of diplomacy. I want to thank your country for your support and your leadership and partnership that made it possible. And that’s not hyperbole. You made it possible. Thank you.

We made it clear to anyone who questions whether our allies matter — well, they just look at what you did. And they — you matter a great deal.

And so, Mr. Prime Minister, thank you. Thank you, thank you, thank you. And we look forward to our discussion today.

The floor is yours.

PRIME MINISTER GOLOB: Mr. President, dear Joe, just couple of words, and that is that, with a little help of true friends, nothing is impossible. And I think that’s really what our joint effort with the prisoner swap demonstrated to all of the world. And let’s continue to work in a true fr- — friendship and with a lot of trust.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Well, there’s a lot we agree on. So, welcome. Good to have you here.

PRIME MINISTER GOLOB: Glad to be here.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: And we got to get our — get moving.

Thank you all.

11:50 A.M. EDT

The post Remarks by President Biden and Prime Minister Robert Golob of the Republic of Slovenia Before Bilateral Meeting appeared first on The White House.

Sharon Lynne Wilson Center for the Arts
Brookfield, Wisconsin

7:09 P.M. CDT

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Good evening, everyone.  Good evening.

MR. SYKES:  And, Vice President, wel- — welcome back to Wisconsin.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:   It is good to be back.  You — you know, I — so, Tony Evers.

MR. SYKES:  (Laughs.)

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  That’s funny about his playlist.  Is it really that long?  (Laughter.)

MR. SYKES:  No.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Okay.

Every time I — I land in Wisconsin — almost every time, Tony Evers, the governor, will meet me on the tarmac.  And because I did live in Wisconsin when I was five years old, every — (applause) — he will say, “Welcome home.”  So, I do feel and have a connection to Wisconsin and feel a sense of connection.

MR. SYKES:  Actually, we all have connections to Wisconsin, which — which makes this event, I think, so important, with 15 days to go. 

So, let’s just dive right into all of this.  There are actually undecided voters out there.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yeah.

MR. SYKES:  And there are undecided voters here.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yeah.

MR. SYKES:  People who have never voted for a Democrat.  Moderates, conservatives who voted for people named Bush and Cheney and Ford and Reagan —

MS. CHENEY:  Yay.  (Claps.)  (Laughter.)

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yeah.

MR. SYKES:  And — and Bob Dole.  Wow, that’s a — that’s throwback, isn’t it?

But I guess the question is: What is your pitch to them?  Why should they do something they’ve never done before?  Why should they cross over party lines and vote for you?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Well, I start from the belief, based on the lived experience, that the vast majority of us have more in common than what separates us. 

I also know that you all are here spending time that you could be spending doing a number of other things, with all of the obligations you each have, and you are here because we, together, love our country.  We love our country, and we believe in the foundational principles that are at stake in this election. 

I believe that when we think about who we are as the American people, there is more we have in common than what separates us when we think about what is at stake in terms of our democracy, rule of law, the Constitution of the United States, national security, the standing of our country in the context of the world.  All of that is at stake. 

And I will share with you, Charlie, when I was in the Senate for — for those four years that I was there, my favorite committee was the Senate Intelligence Committee, and I’m going to tell you why.  We would walk into that meeting in a SCIF, which is a — a secure room.  We’d have to leave our cell phones outside.  The press, with all due respect, were not allowed in.  No cameras. 

People would walk in, Democrats and Republicans, take off their suit jacket, roll up their sleeves, and we’d dispense with who was a Republican and who was a Democrat.  We were all Americans.  We were all in that room with one singular purpose: to concern ourselves as our highest priority with the security and well-being of the United States of America. 

I think those things are at stake in this election.  (Applause.)

MR. SYKES:  Congresswoman Cheney, you know how hard this is, though.  You know how hard it is to break away from tribal loyalty to do something you haven’t done before.  So, I’d like you to address that as well. 

Lindsey Graham was on television yesterday saying, “What do you ‘Never Trump’ Republicans — you know, what — what are you thinking of?  How could you possibly do all of this?”

There are a lot of people who are listening to us who may be disillusioned with what’s happening with the Republican Party, but they w- — they don’t they — they — they’re afraid of paying the price, because there is a cost to all of that. 

So, what do you say to those Americans?

MS. CHENEY:  Well, don’t listen to Lindsey Graham.  Number one.  (Laughter and applause.)  It’s good life advice, actually. 

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  (Laughs.)

MS. CHENEY:  But what I say is that, at the — what undergirds everything that we are as a nation — everything that we are as a nation is the rule of law and it’s our Constitution. 

And when you — when you look at what Donald Trump did after the last election, when you look at the cruelty that’s involved in someone who watches an attack on the United States Capitol, an attack conducted by people in his name, and refuses for over three hours to tell the mob to leave — I mean, I really — people just need to think about what that — that — that’s — that’s depravity.  He watched the attack happen, and people kept asking him, “Please tell the people to leave.”  And law enforcement officers were being brutally beaten and the Capitol was being assaulted, and he would not tell people to leave for over three hours. 

That cruelty is the same cruelty that we see when he lies about the federal government’s disaster response, when he puts people’s lives at risk because he won’t tell the truth.  He’s a man who’s unfit to be the president of this good and honorable and great nation. 

And so, I’ve spent a lot of time working — before I was elected to Congress — in countries around the world that — that weren’t free or where people were trying to achieve their freedom, and I know how fragile — how fragile this — this can be, how fragile democracy can be. 

And so, in — in this election, we have a choice.  We have the choice of somebody, in Vice President Harris, who you know is going to uphold the rule of law.  You know that she’s going to lead this country with a sincere heart.  You know that she is going to always be thinking about what is best for this nation.  We might not agree on every issue, but — but she is somebody that you can trust and someone that our children can look up to.  And I think it’s so important for us to cast the vote for Vice President Harris this time around.  (Applause.)

MR. SYKES:  You know, Vice — Vice President, I w- — I was thinking about one of your social media posts recently where you go through all the things that Donald Trump has bailed out of: that he won’t debate you, that he won’t — that he won’t do interviews, that he’s refusing to release certain information.  And — and you asked an interesting question: What is he hiding?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yeah.

MR. SYKES:  So, what, in fact, is he hiding?

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Well, I — I wonder what is he hiding.  I also wonder what his staff is trying to hide by — by preventing or suggesting he not debate me again, not do these interviews.  It is the norm, as you know, that presidential nominees will do a “60 Minutes” interview.  He has refused to do that.  He is pulling out of interviews left, right, and center. 

And I think that we — what we see about him in public, whether it be his rallies or, as you said, the — the — would it — would it be called a — just a solo dance?  I — I don’t — I — (laughter).

MR. SYKES:  I don’t know that is has a — I don’t even know if it has a name to it.

MS. CHENEY:  “Dance” is really generous.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  What — (laughs).  Yes.

MR. SYKES:  Yeah, the word “dance” would be generous.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  What — what that was.

I — I think it does lead us and it should lead us to observe that he is increasingly unstable. 

But you don’t have to take my word for it.  Listen to the people who know him best, the people who worked with him in the White House, in the Oval Office, in the Situation Room: his former chief of staff; two former secretaries of Defense, his secretaries of Defense; his former national security advisor; and, of course, his former vice president.  And they have each talked about the — the chief of staff — that Donald Trump has contempt for the Constitution of the United States. 

Not only has that been said by a former chief of staff of the former president, but we know he has openly talked about his intention to terminate the Constitution of the United States. 

I have taken that oath six times: as district attorney twice — elected and reelected; as attorney general of the largest state, in California, twice; as a United States senator; and actually now as vice president.  And the congresswoman and I have talked about that.  That is an oath one must take seriously.  It is a duty to defend and honor and uphold the Constitution of the United States. 

He has said he would terminate it.  Anyone who wants to be president of the United States should never again be able to stand behind the seal of the president of the United States, having said they would terminate the Constitution of the United States.  (Applause.)

And, again, most recently, the report is that the former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, a decorated general, said of Donald Trump that he is “fascist to the core.”  These are the people who know him best, people who worked with him. 

And so, yes, we can talk about that moment on stage of the music and all that, but I think it’s very important that we acknowledge, and I have said publicly, Donald Trump is an unserious man, and the consequences of him ever being president of the United States again are brutally serious — brutally serious.

I — to — to the congresswoman’s point, I have now, as vice president of the United States, met over 150 world leaders — presidents, prime ministers, chancellors, and kings — many of them, multiple times; we are on a first-name basis — most of them allies in connection with NATO, and — and I’ve met with them in connection with our standing, rightly, with Ukraine.  The world is watching this election, and our allies are worried, because the reality is that when we, as the United States of America, walk in these rooms around the world, we walk in chin up, shoulders back, with the earned and self-appointed authority to talk about the importance of democracy and rule of law.

And being a role model — this is a room of role models — we know, as a role model, people watch what you do to see if it matches up to what you say. 

One of my very real fears, Charlie, to be candid, is I hope that we, as the American people, fully understand how important America is to the world.  I hope we really, really understand that — (applause) — because this is about what will happen to and — and with us as Americans, but it will impact people around the world.

MR. SYKES:  Let me follow up on that, Congresswoman, because I was on a podcast recently with — with another pundit who was saying that she was afraid that America was sleepwalking into authoritarianism, that American voters were not sufficiently alarmed.  And as the vice president just said, the former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff just said that Donald Trump was the most dangerous threat facing the country. 

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yeah.

MR. SYKES:  Do Americans — in this last 15 days, do they understand that?  And what has to happen in the next two weeks for them to really understand the danger?

MS. CHENEY:  Yeah, I — I think that they — I think they do.  And, you know, one of the things I — I remind people is that although not every Republican who is casting a vote for Vice President Harris will say publicly that they are — there’s clearly, you know, a threat associated with that in some instances — but — but millions will.  And — and they will do that for a whole range of reasons, but — but what you mentioned is so important. 

I mean, when I think about — you know, I — the first time I ever voted was for Ronald Reagan.  I’ve known presidents well.  Obviously, particularly, I know a vice president well — (laughter) — in addition to Vice President Harris.  And — and I watch how our presidents have operated.  And even when there have been presidents that we have potentially disagreed with on issues, they’ve respected the Constitution.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yeah. 

MS. CHENEY:  I mean, think about the 2000 election and how close that was and what Vice President Gore did in — in his concession speech and in ensuring that we had the peaceful transfer of power. 

And so, I — I would just urge people — again, you don’t have to — to take my word for it, but — but look at what the people closest to Donald Trump are saying about him.  Look at the testimony of the leaders of his Justice department, the leaders of his campaign, the most senior officials in his White House.  Look at their testimony in front of the Select Committee.  You know, they’re the ones that — that told us everything that we know about his plan to overturn the last election, about what he did watching the attack from his dining room. 

We’ve never faced a threat like this before, and I — I think it’s so important for people to realize this republic only survives if we protect it, and that means putting partisan politics aside and standing up for the Constitution and for what’s right and loving our country more.  (Applause.)

MR. SYKES:  Do — do you — do you think we’ll be hearing more from some of those folks in the next 15 days — the generals, the chiefs of staff, the people who really understand exactly how unfit Donald Trump is?

MS. CHENEY:  I do.  I also think that — you know, that they have been very clear so far. 

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yeah.

MS. CHENEY:  I mean, you’ve had — you’ve had hundreds of national security officials who served in Republican administrations endorse the vice president —

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Publicly, yeah.

MS. CHENEY:  Yeah.  And all of the things that — that — you know, the fact that these people aren’t endorsing — the fact that Vice President Pence, who was the most loyal person there was to Donald Trump — he won’t endorse him because he knows Donald Trump asked him to violate his oath of office. 

Now, that should also give you a lot of pause about J.D. Vance.  J.D. Vance is there because he will do what Donald Trump wants, and that makes him a particular danger to the republic as well.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  And — and I’ll add to that point: Understand also what happened in the last few months when the Supreme Court essentially told the former president he will be immune from anything he does in office.  So, whereas, before, there was at least some threat of consequence and accountability, that no longer exists. 

And to the congresswoman’s point, imagine Donald Trump — based on everything we know about him and everything we see now and before — imagine him with no guardrails, because all of those folks who worked with him before, they’re not — those who held him back, who attempted to ensure that he would follow the law are no longer there.  And — and we have the Supreme Court decision, so the stakes are very high.

MR. SYKES:  Okay.  Let’s go to the audience for some questions.  We — we have some undecided voters who have some questions for you, Madam Vice President.

Let’s go to Lisa Brockman from Madison.  Lisa is a small-business owner. 

Q    Hi.

MR. SYKES:  Good evening. 

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Hi.

Q    Thanks for taking my question.  I have a question on reproductive freedom.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yeah.

Q    And I am — come from a conservative, Christian, pro-life family, and I was a Republican until Donald Trump’s presidency.  (Laughs.)  Like most Americans, I believe in a woman’s right to choose.  And with the overturning of Roe v. Wade, my 21-year-old daughter now has fewer rights than her mother or her grandmothers.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yeah.

Q    I no longer recognize the Republican Party.  They have introduced bills for everything from restricting birth control to bringing homicide charges for abortion.  It is such an extreme, radical agenda by any standards, and it seems less about the unborn and more about controlling women. 

So, my question is: What are your thoughts on this extremism, and how can we restore those fundamental human rights that have been taken away from the American women?

MR. SYKES:  Thank you.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  So, to your point, when Donald Trump was president, he hand-selected three members of the United States Supreme Court with the intention that they would undo the protections of Roe, and they did as he intended.  And now there are at least 20 states in our country that have criminalized health care providers, to your point. 

I mean, in Texas, the — the law provides for prison for life for a doctor, nurse, health care provider for doing what they believe is health care and in the best interest of their patient. 

Punishing women.  I was actually just this week, just a few days ago, in the state of Georgia with the mother of a young woman who died because of Georgia’s abortion ban, and she had to go to another state.  And it’s a long and very tragic story that did not have to be.

And here’s how I think about this issue.  One does not have to abandon their faith or deeply held beliefs to agree that the government — these folks in a state capitol, much less Donald Trump — should not be making this decision for her.  If she chooses, she will talk with her priest, her pastor, her rabbi, her imam, but not the government. 

And — and I also have found, though, since the two years that the Dobbs decision came down, that this happened, I have had conversations with a number of people who were opposed to abortion and remain opposed to it but did not intend for the harm that we are seeing to happen.  And I think as this has — this decision came down and we are seeing the harm, there are more and more people who are agreeing that this should not be the government making this decision for women and their families.

And the way that we will address this is, eventually, Congress needs to pass a law restoring those protections, and we need to agree that, in our society, you know, we should not have laws that are treating people in a way that is causing such harm. 

I’ll give you another example of the harm that is going on.  I started my career as a prosecutor.  I have prosecuted everything from low-level offenses to homicides.  But one of the reasons I became a prosecutor is because, when I was in high school, I learned that my best friend was being molested by her stepfather.  And so, I said to her, “You have to come live with us.”  I called my mother.  My mother said, “Of course,” and she did.  And I made a decision early in my life that I wanted to do the work that was about protecting vulnerable people. 

There are some of these bans that include no exception for rape or incest.  I have specialized in those kinds of cases.  And the — the notion that we would tell a survivor of a crime that is a violation to their body that they have no right to make a decision about what happens to their body next — I mean, I think that’s just unconscionable.  I think it’s immoral. 

And so, this is one of the issues that is at play.  And when this issue has been on the ballot, since the Dobbs decision came down, in so-called red states and so-called blue states, the American people have voted for freedom.  (Applause.)

MR. SYKES:  Congresswoman Cheney, I’d like to get your thoughts on this as well. 

MS. CHENEY:  Yeah.  You know, I am — I’m pro-life, and I have been very troubled, deeply troubled by what I have watched happen in so many states since Dobbs.  And I have been troubled by the extent to which you have women who, as the vice president said, in some cases, have died, who can’t get medical treatment that they need because providers are worried about criminal liability. 

You know, we’re facing a situation today where I think that it’s an untenable one.  And I think that as we deal with issues like this one, having a president who understands how important compassion is, who understands that these shouldn’t be political issues, that we ought to be able to have these discussions and say: You know what?  Even if you are pro-life, as I am, I do not believe, for example, that the state of Texas ought to have the right, as they’re currently suing to do, to get access to women’s medical records. 

I mean, there are some very fundamental and fundamentally dangerous things that have happened.  And — and so, I think that it’s crucially important for us to find ways to have the federal government play a role and protect women from some of the worst harms that we’re seeing. 

But — but, again, I just think that if you look at the difference in — in the way that Donald Trump is handling this issue — you know, Donald Trump, at one point, called for criminal penalties for women.  Now, you know, he — he’s been now trying to — to, you know, sort of be all over the place on this issue, although he expresses great pride for what’s happened.

And — and I think the — the bottom line on this, as on so many other issues, is, you know, you just can’t count on him.  You cannot trust him.  We’ve seen the man that he is.  We’ve seen the cruelty.  And America deserves much better.  (Applause.)

MR. SYKES:  Thank you.  Thank you, Lisa.

So, we — we have another question.  Carolyn Mitchell from Wauwatosa has a question for the vice president as well. 

Q    Hi.  I have concerns about the strength and the health of the Medicare and the Social Security system.  There have been a lot of suggestions for improving or protecting it, some of them raising the age for full acceptance of Social Security.  There’s also the idea that we would end the cap on — on the Social Security tax.  There is also the suggestion that we raise the tax rate on both Medicare and Social Security.  And, of course, the last one is to reduce the benefits. 

So, my question for you is: How can we protect the health of both Social Security and Medicare without reducing the benefits?

MR. SYKES:  Thank you.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  So, first of all, thank you for your question.  Actually, just today, I believe it was — within the last 24 hours or so — an independent review of Donald Trump’s policy on Social Security has indicated that, under his policy, Social Security would become insolvent in six years. 

And what I and you and, I think, most of us know is that we have many, many seniors in our country where their Social Security check is their only form of income.  It’s everything and the only thing they have to live on, to pay rent, groceries, all of that.  And so, we must protect Social Security. 

     If you look at Donald Trump’s Project 2025, the — the plan that they have if he is elected — or reelected president, it — it would attack Social Security.  It would attack Medicare. 

     And back to the point about just what is in the interest of dignity.  The president of the United States should have as one of their highest concerns the dignity of the American people and, in particular, those who have lived a productive life, who deserve to be able to retire and go into their senior years with the dignity of not worrying about whether they’re going to have a roof over their head or be able to eat. 

     So, my plan includes what we need to do to strengthen the solvency of Social Security.  It includes what we’re going to need to do and work with Congress to make sure we’re putting more into it.  And it cannot be about cutting benefits, because right now, those benefits are barely adequate as it is. 

     What we must also do is continue to strengthen Medicare around what we’ve been working on, which is to allow Medicare to negotiate prescription medication costs for our seniors. 

     So, in the last four years, we have now capped the cost of insulin at $35 a month for seniors.  This is a huge issue for so many who have otherwise either taken a bus trip to Canada to try and get their prescription medication — you’re smiling; you know what I’m talking about — or — not that you have; I’m not suggesting that.  (Laughter.)  I’m not suggesting that.  And we’ve also capped the cost of — of prescription medication at $2,000 a year for our seniors, understanding, again, that this is a related issue, which is what is causing our seniors to be on the verge of bankruptcy and — and homelessness, by the way.

     The other work that we have to do is to deal with home health care and how Medicare is covering that. 

     So, part of my plan is — right now, the only way that there will be coverage for home health care is, generally speaking, Medicaid, which means that the family or the individual would have to spend down all of their savings to be able to be eligible for Medicaid.  And, frankly, I think it’s just — that’s — that’s wrong, and it’s — it’s just wrong.

     You know, I took care of my mother when she was sick, and the work that needs to happen to support our seniors to be able to stay in their home, to be able to live a life with dignity should include that we will pay attention to the fact that not everybody can afford that help, not everyone has a family member who can do it. 

And so, my plan includes having Medicare cover home health care work for seniors — (applause) — so that you can stay in your home, for example, and have someone who can prepare a meal and help you put on a sweater.  But the — the core point being dignity and understanding that we should not have a society that allows or requires our seniors to — to go into poverty in order to qualify for the care that they may need that, I think, we — most would agree — should provide.  (Applause.)

     Thank you.
    
     MR. SYKES:  And we have another question from the audience, from Dan — Dan Voboril, who is a retired school teacher, taught at MPS, and now lives in Waukesha.  Again, a genuinely undecided voter, I understand.

     Q    Thank you.  Good evening.

     MS. CHENEY:  Come on, Dan.  (Laughter.) 

     Q    What did you say?

     I was told I was going to be an alternate, so I was a little worried about getting my question.  But —

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Take your time.  Take your time.

     Q    This is a question that — I actually retired from MPS, but I currently teach, and I teach at a private Catholic school.  I’m a Catholic, but I’ve also been pro-life, pro-choice depending.  But I have five daughters, and I think it’s my duty to continue — with the children I teach as well — to see that we need to respect women, and I’ve really come to the conclusion that this toxicity that exists is just rather embarrassing.  And as a lifelong Republican, who I thought your father would be a great president —

     MS. CHENEY:  Thank you.

     Q    — not to say George wasn’t, but — (laughter) — but I’ve come to this realization, and it’s — it’s been very difficult.  So, I’m just — my big question was, for the future of my children and also students that I encounter and try to show that we have to have some kind of civility like we did back in the — the ‘80s, when Ronald Reagan and Tip O’Neill, of course, could talk about things and solve problems, and now it’s trying to get one better than the other. 

     And so, I’m just wondering, in your position now, how to convince people like me, who some of my siblings might be questioning what I’m doing here, but — (laughter) — I — I think, like you said, we have to be courageous, and that’s what I’m trying to be.  And so, what do you think we can do in the last 15 days — or you can, Madam Vice President — what you can do to try to get some of these people to cross over?  I know you already said that some of them probably won’t say who they’re voting for, but — or something I could take with me to say, “This sounds very good,” or, “We got to at least listen to this.”

     MR. SYKES:  To reduce the toxicity?  Is that —

     Q    Yes.

     MR. SYKES:  Okay.

     MS. CHENEY:  Yeah, I — I think that — that, you know, you’ve really put your finger on something that’s so important, and you see it as a teacher.  You know, any of us who are around young children — I see it as a mom.  My kids aren’t so young anymore, but — but, you know, the — when they look at how elected officials and, in particular, how Donald Trump is conducting himself now, that’s — that’s not — that’s not a lesson that anybody would look up to. 

     And — and I think about it often from the perspective of the men and women who’ve worn the uniform of our country and who have sacrificed so much for our freedom, all of us have an obligation to be worthy of that sacrifice. 

And in this — (applause) — you know, in this moment, there — there are millions of good and honorable people who Donald Trump has just fundamentally betrayed.  And — and I think it’s so important for — for people to think about this from the perspective of, you know, the decision to give somebody the power of the presidency means that you’re handing someone the most awesome and significant power of any office anywhere in the world, and — and you have to choose people who have character, choose people of good faith. 

     You know, the — the framers knew this.  The framers knew that — that it was so important that, you know, we take an oath but that also, fundamentally, you had to have people of character.  And Donald Trump has proven he’s not one of those people by his actions. 

     So, you know, what I — what I say to people is, look, for us to get back to a time where we are actually having policy debates and discussions and disagreements, we have to protect what undergirds all of this, and — and what undergirds all of it is the Constitution.  And we have to be willing to say, as a nation, “We’re better than partisanship.” 

     We know — and I say this as someone who spent a lot of years engaged in partisan battles and — and there are important debates we have to have.  But if — if we allow someone again — if we give him the power again to, you know, do all of the things he tells us he’s going to do — he says he’ll terminate the Constitution; he says he’ll deploy the military against the “enemy within” — that — that is a risk that we just simply can’t take as a nation.  And — and I think that, you know, this vote, this election cycle, this time around has to be about so much more than partisanship. 

And I will just end this by saying: And I also know because I have spent time with Vice President Harris, because I have come to understand what she believes about how she will govern, that she will be a president for all Americans, that she’s committed to listening and committed to having viewpoints, some of which, you know, come from different ends of the political spectrum. 

     And — and if you think about how you conduct, you know, your life outside of politics, how we all conduct our everyday lives, those are the kinds of people that you trust.  Those are the kinds of people you can work with.  Like, if you wouldn’t — if you wouldn’t hire somebody to babysit your kids, like, you shouldn’t make that guy the president of the United States.  (Laughter and applause.)  I mean, that’s, like, pretty basic.

     MR. SYKES:  So — so —
    
     MS. CHENEY:  Thank you.  Thank you.

     MR. SYKES:  Madam Vice President, that — this question goes to the heart of our discussion tonight, because it’s almost — it is not about politics.  It’s not about left versus right.  We’re talking about the culture and the impact, the coarsening of the culture, the way in which we have been taught to fear and hate one another, and how our —

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yeah.

     MR. SYKES:  — debates have just devolved into sort of trolling one another.  How do we get back from that?

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  So, I think that Dan raised — and, Charlie, your point is — is really also hitting on we have to tap into and — and rejoice, frankly, in the spirit of who we are as Americans.  And we are an ambitious people.  We have aspirations.  We have dreams.  We are optimistic by nature.  And we, I think, value certain qualities in our leaders. 

     To your point as — being a teacher, all of — those of us who are parents or parent in any form, the — the notion over the last several years coming from Trump and those who follow him, meaning people like who he’s running with — not his voters, but just others — the notion that the measure of the strength of a leader is based on who you beat down is just wrongheaded. 

     I think most of us would agree that the — that the real measure of the strength of a leader is based on who you lift up.  I think most of us would agree — (applause) — and most of us would agree that it is — when we talk about character, it is the sign of strong character to have empathy, to have some level of concern and care about the well-being of other people and then to do something about that.

     And I think there’s so much about this election that calls into question whether we are on a track with a Donald Trump as president to actually teach and to — and to show our children our definition of a leader, and is that it.

     One of the issues that I think has resulted in the kind of toxicity that you have been describing is that he tends to encourage us as Americans to point our fingers at each other.  That’s not in our best interest.  The vast majority of us have so much more in common than what separates us. 

     We are stronger as a nation when we are working toward a common goal, at least on the most basic, fundamental priorities. 

     And I think in this election, you can look at, for example, how he presents in his — in his events to know that he really does not have a plan for America that is about investing in our future, investing in our children, investing in — in our economies and new industries, investing in our relationships around the world.  It’s all about himself and his personal grievances.  And do we want a president of the United States who spends full time plotting revenge while they sit in the Oval Office or a president who is actually focused on the American people?

     I would also say, as a — as a point that I think the congresswoman exemplifies in so many ways, the strength of our democracy requires a strong two-party system.  It really does.  (Applause.)  It requires that we have healthy debate — that we have healthy debate based on — you know, based in logic and fact and that we — we debate it out — have good, vigorous debates — have a good fight over policy.  That’s good for democracy.  But not to point our fingers and call each other names over trivial, petty grievances. 

     So, I think all of that is at stake in this election, and — and tapping into the commonalities that we have around some of these fundamental principles, I think, is going to be key.

     MR. SYKES:  Well, that’s why the stakes are so high, right?  Because the presidency is a role model, but America is a role model to the rest of the world. 

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yes.

     MR. SYKES:  So, in the very short amount of time we have left, Congresswoman Cheney, just talk a little bit more about the — the stakes for the world.  We haven’t talked about the stakes for the future of Ukraine, NATO, of all the other democracies who are looking to us.

     MS. CHENEY:  They’re so, so high, Charlie.  And, you know, America’s safety and security depends upon America leading, and it depends upon allies. 

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yeah.

MS. CHENEY:  And when you have someone who is erratic and chaotic and unstable, that puts all of us at risk.

     I — I tell people often — you know, I spend a lot of time working on national security issues.  And when people that I know in the — in the Republican Party tell me they might be considering voting for Trump from a national security perspective, I ask them: Go look at his national security policies.  Please, go look at them, because what he’s proposing in terms of withdrawing from NATO; welcoming Vladimir Putin to attack our NATO Allies; praising — he — he praises Kim Jong Un, the leader of North Korea, and President Xi of China and Putin of Russia.  And if you listen to him, he doesn’t just praise those people generally.  He praises them for their cruelty —

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yep.

     MS. CHENEY:  — for their tyranny.

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yep.

     MS. CHENEY:  That’s not who we are as a nation.  It’s not who we are. 

And the world needs us to be better.  And our own security and our own freedom requires that we have a president who understands America has to lead and that our strength comes both from our greatness and also from our goodness.  And that’s Vice President Harris.  (Applause.)

     MR. SYKES:  And you have the last word.

     THE VICE PRESIDENT:  And — and just to — thank you.  Thank you.

MR. SYKES:  You get the last word.

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  But — but just as a point of emphasis on this important point: Understand that this is an individual, Donald Trump, who is easily manipulated by flattery, and we’ve seen that.  We’ve — don’t forget he — he dared to even consider vi- — inviting the Taliban to Camp David.  Remember all this.  The love letters with Kim Jong Un.

     Let’s remember what we just most recently — what was reported.  During the height of COVID, Americans were dying by the hundreds a day.  Nobody could get their hands on COVID tests.  You remember what that was.  During that time, he secretly sent COVID tests to Vladimir Putin for his personal use.

     On the issue of Ukraine, he says, “Oh, well, I’d solve that in a day.”  Well, I don’t think we as Americans think that the president of the United States should solve an issue like that through surrender, and understand that’s what would happen.  (Applause.)  Understand that’s what would happen.  Vladimir Putin would be sitting in Kyiv if Donald Trump were president. 

     And understand what that means as — so much that our allies understand, and that’s why they’re concerned about this election.  If — if Putin were to get away with invading the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine because America, the leader in bringing the allies together in standing for fundamental international rules and norms, like sovereignty and territorial integrity — if Vladimir Putin got away with that, you think he wouldn’t march next right into Poland and the rest of Europe?  Because Donald Trump wants to please somebody that he considers to be a strongman, who he admires?

     So, on this and so many issues, the stakes are extremely high. 

     But I — I would say this as — as a final point for now.  This is not as much an issue of what we are against as what we are for.  And I’ll end my point where I started: We love our country, and our country is worth fighting for.  (Applause.)  And that’s how I think of this. 

     We — our — our democracy will only be as strong as our willingness to fight for it.  And you all are taking your time out of your lives to be here because we, I think, agree on that among the most fundamental principles at stake. 

     And I thank you for the time you’ve taken, and I hope to earn your vote, by the way.  (Laughs.)  (Applause.)
    
     Thank you.  Thank you.  Thank you.  Thank you.

     MR. SYKES:  And we have 15 days to make a decision. 

     Thank you all for coming here to (inaudible).  Thank you, Congresswoman Liz Cheney.  Vice President Kamala Harris, thank you so much.  (Applause.)

                             END                7:54 P.M. CDT

The post Remarks by Vice President Harris and Liz Cheney at a Campaign Event | Brookfield, WI appeared first on The White House.